My Civil War Obsession

More Preservation efforts at Perryville

2012-02-13T19:06:00.001-05:00

Here is the Civil War Trust's newest announcement about its efforts to save more land at Perryville. This time, 121 acres, featuring land known as the "Slaughter Pen," the scene of some extremely tough fighting.

Here is an image of the orginazation's map of the battlefield. More information can be found at their website, Civil War Trust Perryville information

It is truly a beautiful battlefield and I wish the current preservation efforts nothing but success.

Criticism of the First Lady

2012-02-11T10:00:00.000-05:00

Mary Todd Lincoln courtesy history.com

Here is an article in the Covington Journal of February 8, 1862.

Life in Washington - Mrs. Lincoln - Fun in the White House
One of the saddest evidences of our social demoralizations as a people, and the depth and extent of that demoralization, is seen in the utter unconsciousness of the ruin and misery of this country which prevails in Washington. That unconsciousness seems to environ the White House. No woman ever had a better opportunity to show how much a patriot mother could do for her country than Mrs. Lincoln. It is sad that the gold en opportunity is thrown away. The New York Tribune says:

"Mrs. Lincoln is engaged in qualifying herself for the more delicate exigencies of her elevated station. She is about to resume, under competent professors, the study of the French language, with which her early education made her familiar, but the practice of which has long been interrupted by the quiet but unceasing occupations of domestic life. We also understand that, in other and similar ways, Mrs. Lincoln proposes to add to the many accomplishments for which she is already distinguished, and which supply to the saloons of the White House its most brilliant adornments."

The Washington correspondent of the New York Evening Post, referring to the prevailing gayety and thoughtlessness in the National Capital, adds:

"From Mrs. Lincoln, driving in her gaudy coach, and Mr. Lincoln, amusing himself with Herrman's feats of 'prestidigitation,' down to the young officers dancing gaily at the balls, every one seems to consider he present time one especially created for amusement. There is not the slightest seriousness any where that I have been able to discover; it is all fun. And any one who looks or speaks earnestly of the critical condition of affairs, is regarded as a bore by all but some of the few older heads. The mournful faces are all at the homes that the war has made desolate."

We should be glad to believe that this was an overwrought picture, but private advices leave us no room to doubt. Even the White House is made the scene of Herrman's wizard feats; and all while our soldiers are sick, suffering and dying nt he camps, the strength of the army wasting from inaction, and the very pillars of the Republic made to tremble by the fearful blows of rebellion. It is a sad picture. The Lord have mercy upon us! [Dr. Clarke, in Ladies' Repository]

--
Though complaints about the First Lady's shopping and spending habits may be fair criticisms, I wonder if this editorial was a bit too harsh. For one, how is learning a new language detracting from the war effort? Was she to spend every single moment of her life doing nothing but following the war and its tragedies? Also, during this time, Willie Lincoln was very ill (he would die on February 20, 1862) and caring for him certainly took a lot of her time and attention. Still, even if she fretted over her own son and participated in non-war activities, to say she was "unconscious" of the suffering created by the war seems to be an exaggeration.

As for the comments about President Lincoln watching the magic show and not understanding the seriousness of the war, that writer was clearly mistaken. He mentions "the army wasting from inaction," but Lincoln in fact was urging McClellan to take action, and this inaction frustrated the President as much or more than it bothered anybody else. Throughout the war, President Lincoln constantly showed that he understood the suffering caused by the war. I imagine he would have been quite surprised to learn that it was "all fun" for him. This paragraph from the New York Evening Post was simply wrong; perhaps some of the fancy balls were overboard, but even the citizens of the Confederacy - suffering as much as their Northern counterparts - occasionally threw parties to try to lift their spirits during these times.Some attempt to escape from the reality of the situation is not soemthing

The reference to the "prestidigitation" show seems to be referring to the Herrmann family

Covington Journal articles on abolition and race

2012-02-09T17:44:00.001-05:00

These come from the February 8, 1862 edition of the paper

Abolition Cowardice
The Chicago Times says "If abolitionism was not the embodiment of the meanest cowardice, it would not seek to introduce the black element into the war while the white population of the loyal States is twenty-one millions against seven millions in the disloyal States. If we cannot whip out the rebels with these odds in our favor, we had better abandon the contest and plead guilty to the rebel taunt that we are an inferior people."

The Poor Negro
The Boston Herald exposes the fact that a notorious Abolition firm in that city, the members of which have sighed and groaned and cast up their eyes of the sufferings of the poor negro, until they have obtained a rich contract for supplying the army with drawers, are paying women sixpence a pair for making them. By hard word and over hours, the women thus employed can finish two pair a day. Twelve cents for a day and half a nights work! Oh, the poor, overtasked, suffering negro!

untitled article
A short-haired, thick lipped negro from Chicago was hustled out of Kenosha in double quick time on Friday afternoon, for attempting to marry a white woman who came with him for the delectable purpose. The "roughs" got wind of the affair, and after (word missing, perhaps catching?) the darkey, escorted him to the depot, and gave him some good advice for regulating his conduct in such cases hereafter.

As the train moved off bearing this colored Caesar minus his fortunes, we mused on the uncertainty of human affairs in general, and the absolute inconsistency of Abolitionists in particular. This poor fellow had heard of the social equality doctrines of Wisconsin Abolitionists, and was "stabbed in the house of his friends." After all, "blood will tell." [Kinosha (Wis) Sentinel]

A Local Civil War Fact mentioned on TV

2012-02-08T22:20:00.000-05:00

So I was watching "Only in America" with Larry the Cable Guy (I don't know why either, so don't ask) and they had a segment on squirrel hunting and said (I'm paraphrasing): "During the Civil War, the Confederates did not invade Ohio because they enlisted 15,000 squirrel hunters" before making some joke about the squirrels being happy about that.

I found it interesting that such a fairly obscure Civil War fact was mentioned in a show like that. I guess his writers may be Civil War buffs or maybe there just are not many interesting facts about squirrels and squirrel hunters out there.

Also, that is an actual bit of history mentioned on the History Channel (or "History" as it is now known.) That seems unusual too (Perhaps there were no "ancient alien squirrel hunters" they could discuss.)

Party Proscription

2012-02-05T18:19:00.000-05:00

Here is another article from the February 1, 1862 Covington Journal. This has nothing relevant to national - or perhaps even statewide - news, but it's an interesting example of how politics, political feelings and maybe even pure rumors started to play a role in how a local government conducted business and how people's lives were affected. (I must also admit that it does seem unlikely that political sentiments had never been involved in such a decision before, especially in an era where politics was a dominant topic, but allowing a relative's possible beliefs to be the reason to deny someone a job was probably new.)

In selecting teaches for the Public Schools of Covington, a few days since, the Board, for the first time in the history of its transactions allowed party feeling to control the appointments. Four lady teachers - experienced, popular and thoroughly competent - were denied a re-appointment, not because they had taken any part in politics, but because a father or brother was supposed to entertain States Rights opinions. The day is not distant when the members of the Board will be heartily ashamed of the transaction.

A Sensible Representative

2012-02-04T09:31:00.000-05:00

William McKee Dunn, courtesy wikipedia

The Covington Journal of February 1, 1862 included this commentary from an Indiana politician.

Mr. Dunn, A Republican Representative from Indiana, in a recent speech in the House, said:

"I tell you that, if the general emancipation of Slaves is to be our policy, our Union is forever gone, and there is no redemption for it. We might still have a Union of free States - a great and powerful Union - a Union which would in time throw its shadow over any other Confederacy on this continent; but as to restoring the Union as it was two years ago, it is impossible if we make this a war upon slavery. With four millions in bondage, with all the value of that property as it is called, interwoven with every other interest in the South, and forming the support alike of old age, middle age, widowhood and orphan hood, the attempt to blot it out of existence by a fierce foray on the part of the Government is as wild and chimerical a scheme as ever entered the brain of a madman."

---

The "Mr. Dunn" referred to was William McKee Dunn, who lost his 1862 re-election bid. This was likely part of the nationwide backlash against Republican policies, including President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, and the progress (or lack thereof) in winning the war. This link states that in the the October elections (after Lincoln's proclamation), the Democrats ended up "winning seven of the eleven congressional seats and a large majority in the state legislature."

Book Discussion: Antietam Crossroads of Freedom

2012-01-31T18:16:00.004-05:00

Antietam: Crossroads of Freedom: The Battle that Changed the Course of the Civil War

James M. McPherson

Oxford University Press

When I buy a book, I usually read it, then place it back on my shelf. Occasionally I will grab a book to try to find a phrase or claim I remember in the book or to clarify my memory on some subject, but very rare is the book that I read a second time.

Antietam: Crossroads of Freedom became one of those rare books. I read and enjoyed it a few years ago, but have now just re-read it as part of the "Let's Talk about it: Making Sense of the American Civil War" series I have mentioned here before.

As expected, this book is very readable and informative, written in a style as most of McPherson's books are. It is only 156 pages long as well, so it is a quick read too.

I've entitled this post as a "discussion" instead of a review as I expect this to be more of an exploration of my thoughts of the message of the book than of a more traditional review. I'll try to keep it at a reasonable length and not touch on most of the many other points that can contribute to these thoughts. (I'm even leaving out any talk of Gettysburg as the turning point - please pick yourselves up off the floor after reading that if the shock overcomes you.)

My main question about this book is if Antietam is truly the turning point of the war as McPherson contends. He does a good job of showing the mood in the north in the months before the war, with the great concern after the failure of the Peninsula Campaign and the route of Second Bull Run. Some leaders in Great Britain and other European countries were watching events closely and momentum seemed to be favoring either recognition of the Confederacy by those countries, or intervention into the war.

Then Lee's army invaded Maryland. That should have been no way to improve Northern morale.

At this point, the book describes the action of the battle itself, from the famous "lost orders" to George McClellan's equally famous lack of aggressiveness. McPherson shows how that, even before the battle, the Union forces had experienced a sudden improvement in their morale, and were ready for the challenge of a battle on what they considered their territory. This contributed to the ferocity of the fighting, and after the fighting ended, many Union survivors were ready to pursue their enemy and try to inflict even more punishment on them.

McPherson then presents his arguments about Antietam's importance to the outcome of the war, and they are familiar - the Confederates returned to Virginia, Lincoln had the opportunity to issue the Emancipation Proclamation, and foreign recognition of the Confederacy suddenly became unlikely, if not impossible.

They are good, strong arguments, but I'm not sure I agree with them.

For one, the war was only one-and-a-half years old when this fight took place, yet lasted two-and-a-half years more afterwards. Can it be a turning point if the event lasts longer after it occurs?

I suppose that raises the question of what is a turning point, as well as the difference between A turning point and THE turning point.

Also, if Antietam is a turning point because it ended the hopes of foreign recognition of the Confederacy, that implies an assumption that the Confederacy could only win the war with such recognition. Though time proved the Confederates did not get such recognition and did not win the war, I am not convinced that the failure to obtain such recognition doomed the Confederacy. I believe they still had the possibility of gaining victory without foreign intervention. During the summer and early fall of 1864, the Confederates had inflicted many casualties on Union forces in Virginia and had frustrated their foes elsewhere, particularly in the Union's attempt to approach Atlanta. Europe did not offer recognition, but the Confederate armies still bogged the Union armies down and the lack of progress on the part of the Northern forces frustrated and aggravated people at home. Doubt about the war's outcome began to build, and even President Lincoln looked unfavorably at his chances of re-election.

I can understand listing Antietam as one of many turning points in the war, though perhaps that cheapens the importance of whatever is meant by "turning point." In the discussion of THE turning point, my interpretation is of THE moment or event after which Union victory was inevitable. In that regard, I turn back to the middle and end of 1864, and contend that Lincoln's re-election in 1864 was the key event in showing that the Union would prevail. William T. Sherman's capture of Atlanta certainly aided Lincoln's re-election and I have often thought that event was the key, but now I believe the actual election result was the symbol and sign that the northern people were not succumbing to war-weariness; they did not elect a candidate whose party favored peace at almost any cost; they decided to continue fighting until success came. This spirit displayed by the Northern people dismayed many in the south, and destroyed Southern hopes that the Confederacy could win simply by outlasting the north. The supposed "mechanics" "hirelings" and "wage slaves" of the North had shown a more persistent fighting spirit than their enemies had expected.

That - the failure to injure Northern morale badly enough to convince Northerners to give up on the war - was more important than the failure to get European of the Confederacy as a separate nation. Or at least it was as important, but it was not, at least in my understanding, less important to the Confederacy's chances of victory.

Of course, the "turning point" issue is one of the many questions that will in all likelihood always spur debate on the Civil War and McPherson's book does add to that discussion. It may create new thoughts and perspective too. In high school, I bought the "Gettysburg as the high-water mark" turning-point view, have sometimes accepted the points McPherson makes in his book about Antietam and its aftermath, and have also given thought to Sherman's Atlanta campaign as the so-called "turning point" before settling (at least for now) on Lincoln's re-election as the true key "moment" that demonstrated how the war would eventually end.

Although I may not agree now with McPherson's arguments, I thoroughly enjoyed this book and his analysis. I'm glad I read it again and look forward to the discussion it creates at our next "Let's Talk About it" session tomorrow night.

An Afflicted Regiment

2012-01-28T16:25:00.001-05:00

This story comes from the January 25, 1862 edition of the Covington Journal, but is probably very similar to other stories throughout the war, at least in regards to the challenges the men faced. The incident with the colonel (linked below the article) may not have been quite as common as illness, but was not unknown either.

An Afflicted Regiment
From a letter written by a member of Thirty-seventh Indiana regiment to the Brookville Defender we extract the following:

You have of course heard of many of our troubles. You may some day hear of all. We find that it is not the battle field that is to be feared in a campaign as much as the diseases of camp. Strange as it may seem, we have been constantly an afflicted Regiment from the first. The measles first prostrated us, proving fatal in no cases, but entailing effects from which very few have recovered. Then came diarrheas and dysenteries; then worst of all, and taking advantage of diseases symptoms, came the fatal typhoid fevers and typhoid pneumonias. Finally we have the mumphs. At present we have some prospect of better health, though a great many are now on the sick list, and some are very sick

Deeply do we sympathise with the family of Mr. Clendenning in the loss of two so noble boys as were Addison and James. I was not with the regiment when the last move was made from Camp Nolin to this place, but am told that great cruelty was shown toward the sick. James was unable to walk, but as there was no other way to do he tried, but fell by the way. He gradually grew worse, and died yesterday. Addison died a week before, though taken afterwards. The Company to which they belonged feel greatly their loss. They gave the boys all their attention in their power during their sickness.

--
The 37th Indiana had formed in Lawrencburg, Indiana in late 1861 and was serving in west-central Kentucky during the time-frame in which this story was published. They would eventually fight at Stone's River, Chickamauga, Chattanooga and in General William T. Sherman's Atlanta Campaign and March to the Sea.

Addison and James Clendenning were both part of company G of this regiment, Addison as a private and James as a sergeant. The New York Times published this account that mentioned the deaths of Addison and others in the regiment and how Colonel George Hazzard behaved, on at least one occasion, regarding the ill men who served under his command. He does not come across very well at all in this story, and it may have had ramifications on his career, as Governor Oliver Morton of Indiana wrote to Secretary of War Edwin Stanton to withdraw his previous request to promote Hazzard to Brigadier General at least in part due to this incident and "great tyranny to the troops."

Battle of Somerset (Mill Springs)

2012-01-23T17:37:00.006-05:00

Here is the Covington Journal's post battle coverage of the Battle of Mill Springs. The battle took place on January 19, 1862 and this article is from January 25. I've seen it called "Logan's Cross-Roads" before, but this is the first reference to the "Battle of Somerset" I have seen.

Battle of Somerset
Defeat of the Confederates
Death of Zollicoffer

On Sunday morning, Jan. 19, at 6 o'clock, Gen. Zollicoffer, with a Confederate force, said to have numbered nearly 10,000 attack (sic) the Federal forces, under Gen. Thomas, near Somerset. The battle raged with great fury until the middle of the day, when the Confederates gave way and retreated to their intrenchments near Mill Spring. Gen. Thomas pursued them, reaching the foot of the hills just at night-fall, where he bivouacked, intending to attack the Confederates the next morning. During the night, however, the Confederates withdrew across the river, leaving behind their artillery, wagons, ammunitions, horses, &c., but destroying most of the boats in which they crossed the river.

Gen. Zollicoffer was killed, it is said, by Col. S.S. Fry, of the Fourth Kentucky regiment, and his body found on the field. The rebel loss, besides Gen. Zollicoffer, is stated as 114 killed, 116 wounded and 45 prisoners not wounded. The Federal loss was 39 killed and 150 wounded. They captured 14 cannon and 1,400 horses and mules.

The Federal force is not given. General Thomas was reinforced Saturday night by Gen. Manson's brigade, numbering four or five thousand, and during the engagement by the Tenth and Twelfth Kentucky, First and Second Tennessee, Fourteenth, Thirty-first, Thirty-fifth and Thirty-eighth Ohio, and by Standart's, Whetmore's and Kenney's batteries. The Confederates had 16 cannon and the Federals 22.

The Rebel Retreat from Mill Spring, January 1862

2012-01-19T10:30:00.000-05:00

From The Civil War in Song and Story 1860-1865, collected and arranged by Frank Moore page 69. This link shows that the story came from the New York Times of March 2, 1862.

Here is a summary of the Battle of Mill Spring of January 19, 1862 in southern Kentucky

The Rebel Retreat from Mill Spring
In the course of a notice of Capt. C.C. Spiller, the following particulars of the rebel retreat from Mill Spring occur:

The Noble Ellis was at Gainsboro; three ineffectual attempts had been made to take her up the river to where our army was. Finally Capt. Spiller was ordered to bring the boat; it was executed. Before the fight, he asked permission to lead his company; but Gen. Zollicoffer ordered him to remain at the river, in charge of operations there. The battle was fought, and our army driven back to the river, where a successful and skilful crossing alone could have saved it from utter ruin. Spiller was the man for the post - the world could not have furnished a better.

The crossing began at three o'clock P.M. One of the enemy's batteries opened on the boat, and the fire was incessant until dark. The steamer was run all night. At four o'clock in the morning, when two thousand five hundred men were yet to cross, the captain and pilot left. It was understood that the engineer would leave her the next trip, and Spiller sent for Dick Fields, then one of his cavalry company, but formerly an engineer on one of his Tennessee river boats. Spiller knew Dick - together they had braved danger before that on the water. Sure enough, the engineer and deck-hands quit the boat, Dick took his place, and the boat was manned from the company. At daylight the work was done, and the last man was over.

During the night the enemy had placed a Parrott gun in position, and at the earliest dawn the firing began. The first shell fell short but a few yards; the third passed through the chimney, and exploded over the wheel, scattering its fragments in every direction. Now that the troops were over, and all the horses that could be saved were saved, the torch was applied to the Noble Ellis. Spiller's company were near by; they had bee ordered to fall back out of range of the enemy's fire, but they would not; their captain, whom the loved, was at his post, and they would not leave him. As the flames spread over the boat, and told that the army had crossed, and that all chance of pursuit were gone, the gallant Spiller, at the head of his troops, moved away to aid the retreating forces. But three of his men left him.

Book Review: Our Lincoln, edited by Eric Foner

2012-01-16T20:13:00.003-05:00

Our Lincoln: New Perspectives on Lincoln and His World

Edited by Eric Foner

W.W. Norton & Company

As the bicentennial of Abraham Lincoln's birth approached in 2009, many new books exploring his life, times and legacy came out and I purchased several of them.

Among them was Our Lincoln, a collection of essays edited by Eric Foner, yet somehow this book sat on my shelf until late in 2011, three years after it was published.

This collection consists of four parts, which are the major topics of the book, and eleven essays, each by a distinguished Lincoln scholar. The sections are "The President," "The Emancipator,' "The Man," and "Politics and Memory."

The book starts with four essays about Lincoln's role as president. James McPherson describes Lincoln's role as Commander-in-Chief of the Union military forces and how he as a non-professional military man, was able to exert his leadership and influence on the American army and navy during the war.

Mark Neely Jr. then explores civil liberties under Lincoln's administration. One idea I found fascinating was his description of the well-known controversy over Lincoln's suspension of Habeus Corpus and Judge Roger Taney's opinion that this suspension was unconstitutional. Neely mentions the possibility that Taney's ruling may not have been totally constitutional either, based on at least one reading of the Judiciary Act of 1789.

Sean Wilentz contributes a discussion of Lincoln's political beliefs if relation to his beloved Whig party, the hated Jacksonian Democracy and how these worked together for Lincoln the Republican. He claims Lincoln was not only just a Whig, but that he used theories and practices that Andrew Jackson had espoused as well, despite the Whigs' dislike of "King Andrew." He shows that just because a person like Lincoln accepted a political party as a home did not mean that this person could only understand or believe in one line of political thought, especially with so many issues being vital to American politics.

The next essay, by Harold Holzer, does a fine job of describing how Lincoln controlled his image through the use of the new medium of photography. This section also does a remarkable job of showing how photography worked with and for existing artistic media such as sculpture and painting to shape the President's image. Artists of each of these styles frequently used the others to help them accomplish their goals, such as using photographs to complete a painting or looking at a painting to complete a sculpture. This was an especially educational chapter for me. I had understood how Lincoln had used photography to establish his image, but the inter-relation of the different ways of creating his image was new to me.

In part two, Lincoln's role in emancipating the slaves and his beliefs in race relations are the topics. James Oakes begins it with a discussion of the various types of rights that people at the time, including Lincoln, belidved existed. He shows how Lincoln believed African-Americans deserved "natural rights" (such as described in the Declaration of Independence) and "citizenship rights" (being treated as a citizen of the country, or at least of a state) , but that the concept of "political rights" (such as voting, holding office and serving on juries) was a state's choice. In this case, he argues, Lincoln supported "states rights" and if a state decided not to enfranchise African Americans, that was the state's choice and Lincoln did not oppose it. I admit I struggled with this concept as it struck me that by denying the so-called "political rights," states could in effect prevent African Americans from enjoying their natural or citizenship rights. Perhaps this is one essay I will need to read and study again.

Eric Foner then contributes his own essay to this section, discussing Lincoln's long-held support of colonization,but also describing how this idea had taken hold in the United States and had quite a few supporters for many years. It is a good overview of colonization, the support it enjoyed at times, and some of the opposition this idea encountered, especially from African-Americans as well as many abolitionists.

Following that discussion comes a view of Lincoln and his relationships with abolitionists, especially black abolitionists, by Manisha Sinha. This essay describes Lincoln's evolution into a supporter of emancipation during the war, and shows how abolitionists helped lead Lincoln to this conclusion. It tries to focus on black abolitionists but I found it to be most effective in describing the role of abolitionists as a whole, not the smaller segment of black abolitionists. Black abolitionists were smaller in numbers and that seems to come across in this essay. Despite that, it is a good review of how those people (white and black) who favored a more immediate abolition of slavery worked with and influenced the President as he moved towards a policy of emancipation.

Part three begins with Andrew Delbanco's review of Lincoln's writing and the language he used, and how it compared to American writing styles that came before him. This was certainly an interesting part of this book. He describes the question of whether Lincoln's words carry the same weight to modern readers as they did to people who heard and read those words in Lincoln's era.

Richard Carwardine's essay Lincoln's Religion describes not just the long argument over what Lincoln actually believed and how he should be listed ( as a Christian or as a member of a specific denomination) but also on Lincoln's ability to understand the importance of religion to a large number of Americans at the time and how he shaped his language to communicate with them and get their support. Carwardine argues that the main instrument that aided the North in its ultimate victory was not just the amount of resources it possessed had, but, rather, its ability to maintain a patriotic spirit and avoid a war weariness that may have lead to a willingness to give up the fight. Many evangelistic Northerners and organizations played a role in maintaining this patriotism.

This section of the book concludes with Catherin Clinton describing the families of Abraham Lincoln - not only that consisting of his wife and children, but also a description of Lincoln's family as a child, including his father, mother, step-mother and sister. This also includes a discussion of Nancy Hank's ancestry and how it may have influenced Abraham's development and beliefs, a point I had not read or considered before. (His relationship with his father is mentioned too, but that is a bit more common in Lincoln studies than the talk of his mother's background.)

The book concludes with its fourth part, a single essay by David Blight about the theft of Lincoln and his image in politics and memory. This started out as what I thought was a very good look about Lincoln's image is used commercially so frequently (a trend that was noticed in the 1920s" and how some modern writers have used Lincoln and his image and decisions as a basis to further their political agendas. It then evolved into a discussion of how the modern Republican Party has made attempts to use Lincoln and his memory to show this party as being in favor of Civil Rights. "The Party of Lincoln" is a phrase that he shows they have used (or variations of) to try to garner votes from African-Americans. At times, it appeared to me that the author made his own political beliefs a part of this essay, such as his use of the phrase "disaster in Iraq" on page 272 (instead of simply "war in Iraq), but as I read this more and saw how he was tying in Lincoln's image and the concept of memory (a concept which I would like to study more), I found that to be a minor issue. Blight uses several examples to show how certain conservatives have tried o use Lincoln's memory in their favor even when what he believed in may not be the same as what they believe. It is a very interesting essay, one I should ponder again, and a good way to end this book.

Overall, this was a very good book, covering many aspects of Lincoln, his life and image, and how these factors influence our views of him today. Our Lincoln is a book I certainly feel that students interested in our 16th President should consider reading and studying.

Brief mention: Kentuckians Divided on Question of Slavery

2012-01-12T18:07:00.000-05:00

Here is a brief report in the January 11, 1862 Covington Journal,reprinted from the Cincinnati Gazette.

The general verdict is that Lovejoy had the better of all his antagonists in the debate to-day. The remarks of the Kentuckians show a divided opinion among them, a part preferring the Union destroyed rather than Slavery, and part holding the opposite ground. Wickliffe is of the former category, and Mallory of the latter.

Politicians Supervising Military Affairs - A Thrust at Slavery

2012-01-11T18:06:00.000-05:00

Roscoe Conkling, courtesy of wikipeida

The January 11, 1862 Covington Journal included this article. Please note it used the phrase "commander-in-chief" instead of "general-in-chief."

Politicians Supervising Military Affairs-- Another Thrust at Slavery

A debate of more than ordinary interest sprung up in the Lower House of Congress last Monday. As much of it as the telegraph has furnished is given in another column.

Conkling's resolution is aimed at Gen. McClellan, and makes an issue that the new commander-in-chief cannot well evade. Apart from the particular case in view, the passage of the resolution must be regarded as important, as it establishes a precedent for the supervision of military movements by the politicians at Washington.

As usual the slavery question was lugged into the debate. Mallory, of Kentucky, rushed to the aid of the Abolitionists. He declared that "if slavery stood in the way of the Constitution he would wipe it out," and was applauded. In all the wild declarations of Abolitionists we do not remember one which has assumed that slavery stood in the way of the Constitution. Precisely the reverse is the fact. Abolitionists denounce the Constitution because it recognizes and protects slavery. The Constitution stands in the way of Abolitionism. Mr. Wickliffe hit the nail on the head when he declared that in a contest between Abolitionism and slavery - if one or the other must give way - he would throw Abolitionism overboard.

--
This article refers to a resolution by Roscoe Conklin (pictured above) asking for an investigation into the battle of Ball's Bluff. This request sparked a debate about the role of the civil government in military affairs, and, as this article points out, ended up with a debate about slavery and its impact on the army and war.

It also mentions two Kentucky Congressmen: Robert Mallory, and Charles A Wickliffe. (Wickliffe was also a former Kentucky governor who returned to state service after serving as Postmaster General in the 1840s.)

Robert Mallory, courtesy wikipedia

Charles A Wickliffe, courtesy e-archives.ky.gov

A Patriotic Member of Congress

2012-01-10T18:26:00.000-05:00

Here's a story - sarcastic headline and all - found in the Covington Journal of January 11, 1862.

[From the Philadelphia Inquirer.]
A Patriotic Member of Congress

James S. Jackson, M.C. from Kentucky, writes that he will not be here to take his seat in Congress this winter, unless such a calamity should befal the patriots of Kentucky as to have an order issued by the War Department for the army to go into winter quarters. Should the war go on, he will not be seen in Washington so long as there remains a single rebel in Kentucky. - He is out of money, has received no pay for his services in the army, and has sent here to collect some that is due him, and to draw his pay as member of Congress.

Col. Jackson has not taken his seat at the present session of Congress, and yet sends on for his pay both as a Colonel and a member of Congress. This is accounted patriotism. If drawing pay for imaginary services is an evidence of patriotism, a fair case is made out. If not, not.

Either of the positions held by Colonel Jackson would satisfy the ambition of most men. In truth there are few men qualified to fill them both at one and the same time. - We have no mean opinion of the ability of Col. Jackson, but at the same time we believe the country would not lose anything if he were to resign one of the important positions he now holds.

--

Here is a previous post I wrote about him. It looks like he had already resigned from Congress when this article was published, but perhaps had hoped to gain back pay from his elected position or maybe it was just a case of news traveling slowly.

What might have been done in South Carolina

2012-01-07T13:16:00.001-05:00

Here is another piece from the January 4, 1862 Covington Journal. Note that the writer mentions conquering territory and securing profitable cotton, but makes no mention of freeing slaves or helping "contrabands" that may have been in the area. Of course, this is 8 months before President Lincoln issued the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation and emancipation had not yet become an official war aim of the federal government. It apparently was not an issue for this writer either.

A correspondent of the New York Tribune writing from Hilton Head says:

The opinion I hear is freely expressed here in high quarters, that in spite of every obstacle, the instant following up of that first overwhelming success might ere have placed us in Savannah; beyond all doubt would have broke up their communication between that city and Charleston, by destruction of the railway at the nearest accessible point. The obstacles were great, but unwavering purpose and indomitable energy might have overcome them. It may be that the same spirit that inspired the proclamation of Gen. Sherman (editors's note - this refers to Thomas W. Sherman), retarded his offensive movements to await the results of that attempt at reconciliation.

Had he landed at Carolina's shore, with the clear conviction that this rebellious State was unalterably bent on war, and that its complete conquest and subjugation were his allotted task, I fully believe the work would have been half done - more than half - today, while the moral effect of immediate decisive action, would have been all over the South incalculably greater than any success can now produce.

There is much truth in this. The golden opportunity in South Carolina has been fooled away. The land forces have not done anything but fortify a position which was perfectly secure without fortifying. If the army, instead of being stupidly put to work throwing up enormous earthworks under the guns of the fleet, had been pushed into the interior as fast as possible, there is every reason to believe that Charleston and Savannah might have been in our hands before this time, and millions of dollars worth of cotton secured. If it was not intended to advance into the interior, why send a land force of fifteen thousand men to the coast? The fleet would have taken and held every foot of land now in our possession in South Carolina without the assistance of a single soldier. During the days of intense panic, which followed the magnificent performance of our fleet at Hilton Head, the whole sea island region was at our mercy. But whatever further advantage we gain will be by hard knocks. Every intelligent person in the United States knew as soon as the victory of the fleet was heard of, that a vast quantity of the best cotton of the world was within our grasp. But General Sherman would have nothing to do with cotton, and several weeks elapsed before he received instructions. Why could not instructions be sent with him? Oh for a single specimen of tolerable foresight and energy - a specimen of complete preparation and dazzling performance - a little common sense and practical notion - by way of variety.

Thomas W. Sherman

Lincoln and Chase for Peace - an early 1862 article

2012-01-06T18:04:00.000-05:00

Here is an interesting article republished in the Covington Journal of January 4, 1862. I think the final paragraph, expressing the thoughts of the Journal's editor is rather appropriate, but I still found the article it published to be interesting. Maybe it was just a sort of wishful thinking on the correspondent's part.

LINCOLN AND CHASE FOR PEACE
THE WAR FEVER OVERB

The Washington correspondent of the Maryland News Sheet under date of 26th ult., writes as follows:

"Whatever may be the result of the Mason and Slidell difficulty, it can add but little to the complication of affairs here. Members of the Cabinet are exceedingly disappointed at the failure of the Port Royal expedition - for a failure it is - and also at the inability, frankly expressed by Gen. McClellan to open the route to Richmond. The increasing war expenses begin to weigh most heavily. It is the opinion of men who ought to know, that President Lincoln and Secretary Chase, at least, would be glad to give the South pen and paper, and let them dictate their own terms - to preserve the Union. With all of the Cabinet, the war fever is over. The desire is now for peace."

We know that the public have very justly learned to distrust the facts as well as the speculations of newspaper correspondents, and we give the foregoing, as we find it, for what it is worth.

Cost (and opportunites) of the War

2012-01-05T18:03:00.002-05:00

Here are two articles the Covington Journal reprinted on January 4, 1862, the first right above the other, with each discussing aspects of the economic impact of the war.

THE COST
Every man and woman will shortly begin to feel sensibly the cost of war. The law which Congress has just enacted and which the President has signed puts a duty of twenty cents per pound on tea, five cents per pound on coffee, two and a half cents per pound on raw and eight cents per pound on refined sugar and six cents per pound on molasses. These taxes will so materially increase the expenses of living that thousands of people will be compelled to deprive themselves of articles which they have hitherto esteemed necessaries of life. This they would cheerfully do in the holy cause of serving the Union if they could feel assured that all their sacrifices were subserving that cause, and that no part of them were for the benefit of those infamous men every where found seeking opportunities to speculate in the misfortunes of their country, and if, too, they could feel assured that teh very fountain of this infamy was not in the President's Cabinet. [Chicago Times]

SALE OF CONTRABAND GOODS
Yesterday a quantity of goods belonging to secessionists, the result of several seizures at the Railroad depot, was sold in the store adjoining the Herald counting room. Among the articles were 10,000 sewing machine needles that sold from $8 to $22 per package (worth $50 per package in New York,) and 200,000 sewing needles, which went at sixty cents a thousand (worth $1 per thousand in New York.) Some clothing and trunks also were sold, mostly bringing fair rates.

A lot of clothing will be sold at the same place this afternoon, affording a good chance for bargains - Cleveland Herald

Will there be an Advance of the Army in Kentucky?

2012-01-04T09:44:00.000-05:00

Here is a piece from the Covington Journal of January 4, 1862.

WILL THERE BE AN ADVANCE OF THE ARMY IN KENTUCKY
The Louisville correspondent of the Gazette commences his letter of December 27 as follows:

"Many enthusiastic gentlemen expect an advance movement of our troops on this line towards Nashville within a very few days. I have even heard of parties betting that the Federal flag would wave over Nashville in two weeks after Christmas. But I must confess frankly, I can scarce believe there will ever be a general advance of any portion of the National Army. While it cannot be doubted that the General commanding the Department of Cumberland desires to advance, the conviction is fast settling upon the minds of those who keep in view the whole conduct of the war, that no forward movement of magnitude is to be allowed. An inactive army is too profitable to public sharpers to be thus ruthlessly put in process of liquidation."

--
That strikes me as a rather cynical view of the army and of its leadership, but it's also reminiscent of the attitude that President Lincoln despised so much - conservative, timid, no risk-taking. The author apparently found that attitude in the west as well, not just in the east where George McClellan was developing a reputation for inactivity.

Union Marker at Richmond (Ky) Battlefield

2012-01-03T21:30:00.002-05:00

Hat-tip to Craig Swain of To the Sound of the Guns for posting this entry about a new marker in Richmond. Here is the Richmond Register article he discusses and links. I've heard some good things about recent preservation efforts at this battlefield and they supposedly have a nice museum. That sounds like a good idea for a spring or summer trip.

When I saw his line about "But the headline here is about placing the first display placed by a northern state on this battlefield" my immediate reaction was to question it and whether Kentucky was truly a "northern" state, but I see he linked to the most excellent Creating a Confederate Kentucky (the link is to my review), one of the most informative books I've ever read, and which addresses the question I was going to raise. Craig is right - it is complicated to figure out how to describe Kentucky and how the post-war image matches up with the reality during the war (or even during the early part of the war or the final months.)

It is kind of a shame that Michigan seems to be providing more support for this project on a Kentucky battlefield than Kentucky itself is, but I guess that's the reality of the current political and economic situation. Still, it's great that somebody is taking this step and everyone involved in this deserves a round of applause.

Book Review: Manifest Destinies, by Steven Woodworth

2012-01-02T10:16:00.002-05:00

Manifest Destinies: America's Westward Expanion and the Road to the Civil War

Steven E. Woodworth
copyright 2010

Alfred A. Knopf

One aspect of the Civil War that perhaps I could study more frequently is the time before the war, the ante bellum years as often described, and how the country ended up in Civil War. I suspect that I have a solid understanding of much of what happened in that time frame, especially the turbulent decade of the 1850s, but Steven Woodworth's Manifest Destinies is a good reminder of how much more there is to study and that sectional arguments and controversies existed for more than just the one decade before the war came.

In this very fine and enjoyable book, Woodworth explores the concept of manifest destiny, the feeling that the United States of the early 19th century was destined to cover the entire North American continent. This book serves almost as a biography of the 1840s, focusing on the various Presidential elections, congressional debates, migration to western lands, the influence of and turbulence within political parties, and has a long discussion of the Mexican War. Was it a war to expand slavery or was it simply a more nationalistic attempt to gain land for the benefit of the entire country, under the concept of manifest destiny?

Of course, slavery is a frequent topic in this book, as Woodworth shows how the controversy over it grew as the decade moved forward.

Woodworth's writing style in this book is very easy to read and helps make the book more enjoyable, interesting and informative.Its organization is chronological, starting with the "Tippencanoe and Tyler too" election of 1840 and ending with discussion of the compromise of 1850 as the nation moved into a new, but not less controversial, decade. This work has five parts - the two-party system, westward expansion, politics of expansion, war with Mexico and the political system and controversies of expansion, all of which are closely related. This organization is very effective and Woodworth's ability to describe such different factors as political campaigns, the startup of a new religion, and a war was something I appreciated very much.

Not only did the author describe the events very effectively, but he did not hesitate from stating his own findings and opinions strongly at times. He is fairly harsh on legendary Whig politician Henry Clay in several sections and in other places used stronger language (not profane) than is often found in such books. For instance, on page 277, he described one idea not as "unworkable" "unlikely" or some other critical, but fairly kind term, but, rather, as "laughable."

His description of how the two-party system (influenced strongly by Martin Van Buren) helped keep the issue of slavery at bay for years was one concept that was new to me. With both major parties trying to keep party unity together by avoiding such a potentially divisive issue, the topic remained in the background for years before it became impossible to ignore. True abolitionists were small in number as the decade began, but managed to grow in influence during these years, as happenings like the Mexican War and Wilmot Proviso also brought slavery to the forefront of American politics. Even Van Buren, who had began the decade trying to avoid this controversial topic finally voiced an opposition to allowing slavery into new territories.

The various personalities that showed up through this book demonstrate the diversity of the issues that consumed American politics in this decade. Politicians like John Tyler, Martin Van Buren, James Polk, Stephen Douglas and more; warriors like Winfield Scott, Zachary Taylor, Robert E. Lee and others; proud old men like Henry Clay, John Calhoun and Daniel Webster, up-and-comers like John C. Freemont and religious leaders like John Smith and Brigham Young are just some of the famous names whose actions, thoughts and beliefs filled those years and now fill the pages of this book.

Many other fascinating people and topics that I cannot mention here also make their presence felt in this fine narrative. The stories that Woodworth weaves together - and tells in such a readable style - really shed light on how much happened in the 1840s, at least to me. As shown at the start of this entry, I had an appreciation for all the controversy of the 1850s, and perhaps the late 1840s, but now I have a much better understanding of how the decade described in this book contributed to what happened in the 1850s and then the 1860s. It also makes me wonder if there is a similar book on the 1830s that I should try to read some day, to explore issues that led to the nullification crisis and the Gag rule, and how they contributed to the coming of Civil War. That's another sign of a very good book - not only did I learn from (and enjoy) it, but it opened my mind to other areas of study to pursue.

I heartily recommend this book not only for its relation to the "Road to the Civil War" but as an interesting look at a fascinating period of time on the North American continent. The stories of the Mormons, the Gold Rush and the Mexican War, among others, are fascinating on their own, but even more so when told together in a narrative that shows how they influenced the future of the United States.

In the end, I wonder if perhaps the true "Manifest Destiny" of the United States was the conflict over slavery and the war that came with it, not just the spreading of American civilization over the western lands of much of North America.

Happy New Year

2011-12-31T22:41:00.000-05:00

Happy New Year to all my readers out there.

I think 2011 was a solid year for My Civil War Obsession. The discovery of the Covington Journal as an easily accessible and informative source was very helpful and I just recently found that I will be able to use the Cincinnati Enquirer from the war years more easily than before as well, so hopefully I will be able to take advantage of that and find more interesting articles, reports and war-time rumors to share.

I'll continue to publish book reviews when I can and hope to start exploring some questions and observations of my own. In 2011, I have learned of the concept of "civil war memory" (thanks to Kevin Levine and others) and hope I can start considering that perspective more often and maybe finding ways to include comments on that issue in more posts. It will not be a dominant theme here, but it is something I do believe I should consider more frequently and carefully.

2012 will mark the 150th anniversary of the "Siege of Cincinnati" and I will be busy with the Ramage Museum trying to plan events to commemorate those early weeks of September. Perhaps that will generate more thoughts and ideas for discussion and I hope I can apply thoughts of the way we choose to remember this period and maybe even consider this viewpoint when doing the planning.

Thank you again for taking the time to read and comment on My Civil War Obsession. I wish you all a healthy, happy New Year and hope that it will be even better for all of us than 2011 was.

Richard

Designs of the Abolitionists

2011-12-28T18:26:00.000-05:00

From the Covington Journal of December 28,1861 comes this piece.

Perhaps the coolest thing since the war began, says the Chicago Times, is the purpose of the Abolitionists to convert the army, three quarters of whom are Democrats, into an instrumentality of Abolition. It is in prosecution of this purpose that the onslaught alluded to by our Washington correspondent is made upon Gen. McClellan. The Abolitionists understand that they cannot convert him into such an instrumentality, and believing that, if they can depose him, they can capture the President, they have set all their dogs upon him. It does not occur to them that, when he shall be deposed by their machinations, three-quarters of the army will lay down their arms; or, if this does occur to them, they are utterly reckless of the consequences of it. Or possibly their contemplated remedy for such event is a proclamation of universal emancipation and the arming of the negroes. What a state of things we should have, to be sure, three months hence, if the Abolitionists should have there way.

George McClellan, courtesy mrlincolnswhitehouse.org

A Ridiculous Blunder

2011-12-27T18:31:00.000-05:00


courtesy lrc.ky.gov

The Covington Journal of December 28, 1861 included this article about a recent action by the state legislature.

The Kentucky Legislature has committed an absurd blunder in requesting President Lincoln to remove Secretary Cameron from office. We don't often find in the Cincinnati Gazette an editorial we can commend to the approval of our readers, but in the following article from that paper there are points suggested which deserve consideration:

"KENTUCKY SOVEREIGNTY - The Kentucky Legislature has by resolution approved the President for modifying the Secretary of War, and called upon the President to dispense with Secretary Cameron's service. it is rather novel of a State Legislature to revise the private difference between the President and his Cabinet, which only became public by accident. It is a new feature also for States to interfere with the President's domestic arrangements, but the occasion is one to make precedents, and modesty is not a Kentucky failing. But certainly the Legislature has left its work very incomplete. There is just as much emancipation in the modified report and in the message, as in the report originally. So there is in Secretary Chase's report. The only difference is that Secretary Cameron thinks that if the negroes can be made to make daylight shine through the rebels in the regular way, according to military regulations, it would be both pleasing and fit to let them.

Is it possible that the Kentucky Legislature has taken the unusual course of revising private Cabinet affairs, and calling upon the President to discharge a Cabinet officer on a question relating solely to the protection of the rebels from being hurt?

To be consistent, the Legislature should have demanded the resignation of the President, and that he should dispense with the services of the Secretary of the Treasury.

What is the Kentucky Legislature going to do about it, if the President does not dispense with Mr. Cameron's services? Is that the ultimatum of Kentucky? Is there anybody else that Kentucky wants removed? Let her not lose anything for want of demanding; and since she has taken to revise the President's subordinates and recommendations, she will be held responsible if they are wrong."

That the resolution was merely intended for Buncombe is evidenced by the fact that an officer of the Legislature who has heartily endorsed the infamous proclamation of Cameron, is allowed to retain his position undisturbed. This, however, only adds to the absurdity of the proceeding.

The Gazette heads its article "State Sovereignty" - with a view, doubtless, to bring into contempt the good old doctrine that the State is supreme in everything pertaining to its domestic institutions. State Sovereignty, while resisting unwarranted interference, come from what quarter it may, claims no right to regulate or control the appointments of the Federal executive. The notion of the Kentucky Legislature in relation to Cameron, is nearer akin to that officious intermeddling inaugurated by politicians of the North, and which has had no small share in bringing on our present troubles.

Merry Christmas

2011-12-24T10:30:00.000-05:00

courtesy sonofthesouth.net

I know it's kind of a sad image, but this Thomas Nast print from Harper's Weekly of January 1863 is probably my favorite image of Christmas during the Civil War. It carries a very powerful message, and may be a great example of the "a picture is worth a thousand words" cliche. What words could convey this message so simply, yet powerfully?

I certainly hope my readers all have a Merry Christams, or a Happy Hanukkah if that fits your beliefs, and that all will be happier than the couple pictured here. I hope it will be more like the bottom picture, that I found at printsoldandrare.com

President Lincoln's "Conservatism"

2011-12-21T20:11:00.000-05:00

The Covington Journal of December 28, 1861 published this commentary on President Lincoln what they considered his view of the government and slavery to be.

Within a month or two past we have heard a good deal said about Mr. Lincoln's conservatism on the slavery question. That Mr. Lincoln doesn't favor all of the extreme measures proposed by such impractical radical as Lovejoy and Sumner may be true; but we have no shadow of evidence that he is in any other sense than this a conservative man. We may be pointed to his modification of Cameron's report. The Cincinnati Gazette is about right when it says "there is as much emancipation in the modified report, and in the message, as in the report originally." At any rate Mr. Cameron is retained in the cabinet. The recent appointment by Mr. Lincoln of the notorious Helper to a responsible post, is a stunner to those good people who are willing to vouch for the "conservatism" of the President.

On this subject we invite attention to the following extract from the Washington correspondent of the Chicago Tribune:

"I am able to correct the painful impression here noticed with regard to the President of the United States, and I do so with the more satisfaction and gratitude that I was deeply grieved, in common with nine tenths of the loyal citizens of the country, by the countermanding of Freemont's proclamation, and by the application of the check-rein to Secretary Cameron's just and wise inclinations. Mr. Lincoln assures his friend, without reserve, in conversation, that he is in favor of measures which shall enable to deprive every rebel, from Virginia to Texas of his slaves, and every other species of property, and that the only disagreement which can arise between himself and Congress will relate to the details of the bill which may be adopted. If any such disagreement shall arise, it will, I presume, relate to the possible involving of loyal masters in the consequences of emancipation to the slaves of their disloyal neighbors."
---

Hinton Rowan Helpler caused much controversy with the 1857 publishing of his book The Impending Crisis of the South,with its anti-slavery arguments.

Here is a very good summary of Cameron's report and Lincoln's reaction to it on the excellent Civil War Emancipation blog

Hinton R. Helper, courtesy northcarolinahistory.org

Stealing the Public Money

2011-12-20T17:51:00.000-05:00


courtesy ohiohistoryteachers.org

The Covington Journal of December 21, 1861 reports the following information.

The world has never witnessed such a plundering of public money as has been going on in the United States since the commencement of the war. We believe the facts justify the assertion that at least twenty-five percent of the money contributed by people has been stolen. All branches of the service are reeking with corruption.

IN CHARTERING VESSELS
A man named Morgan, a brother-in-law of the Secretary of the Navy, made $85,000 in two or three months time in chartering vessels for the government.

IN PURCHASING ARMS
"The government (we quote from a report to Congress, as furnished by telegraph) has been the victim or more than one conspiracy, and remarkable combinations have been formed to rob the Treasury. The profits from the sale of arms to the government have been enormous."

IN ARMY SUPPLIES
"The committee examined into army supplies and say, in the Western department especially, requisitions have supplied the place of contracts. The committee say, in the purchase of cattle there have been gross mismanagements, and in the purchase of horses and wagons in New York, they find great irregularities."

COMMISSIONER OF PUBLIC BUILDINGS
The committee also say a man by the name of Wood, enjoying the confidence of the President, was appointed Commissioner of Public Buildings, a place requiring not only great business capacity, but unflinching integrity; and that Wood, from his own declarations, made himself an instrument for plundering the Government.

FORTIFICATIONS
The committee next approached the subject of fortifications at St. Louis, the circumstances surrounding this work being of the most extraordinary character, and marked by extravagance, recklessness, insubordination and fraud.

HORSE AND MULE CONTRACTS
The committee found that the most astounding and unblushing frauds had been perpetrated in the purchase of horses and mules.

The committee informs the public that this is only the beginning of the developments!

Another mention of emacipation in Kentucky

2011-12-19T12:00:00.000-05:00

This is from the Covington Journal December 21, 1861. See also a previous article from the same newspaper a week earlier. Emancipation was not a popular topic in Kentucky at this time, though harsh language about African-Americans apparently was.

The Maysville Eagle (Union) says: "Cameron proposes to arm the negroes to exterminate the white race of the South. How would our Kentucky boys enjoy marching side by side with a buck nigger to carry out so holy an undertaking?"

Praying for an enemy

2011-12-17T14:51:00.000-05:00

Courtesy sonofthesouth.net

The December 14, 1861 Covington Journal reprinted this article from the Richmond Dispatch.

A correspondent of the New Orleans Crescent writes: A most touching scene took place in the affair of Major Hood's, already alluded to. Among those mortally wounded was a Northern man; he was shot through both hips, and had fallen on the road, where he was discovered by a Louisianian. He was suffering the most intense pain, his face and body distorted by his agonizing sufferings. He begged for water which was promptly given him. His head and shoulders were raised to make him comfortable; and his face and forehead bathed in water. He urged the Louisianian to pray for him, who was forced to acknowledge his inability to pray. At that moment one of the Mecklenburg troopers came up, and the poor fellow urged his request again, with great earnestness. The Virginian knelt at his side, and asked the wounded man if he was a Christian and believed in the promise of Christ to save repentant sinners? He answered yes.

The trooper then commenced a prayer, fervent, pathetic and eloquent. The soldier's face lost all the traces of his recent suffering, and he became placid and benignant, and in his new-born love for his enemy, attempted to encircle his neck with his arms, but only reached his shoulders, where it rested, and with his gaze riveted on the face of the prayerful trooper he appeared to drink in the words of hope and consolation, the promises of Christ's mercy and salvation, which flowed from his lips "as the parched earth drinketh up the rain;" and as the solmen amen died on the lips of the Christian soldier, the dead man's hand relaxed its hold and fell to the ground, and its spirit took its flight to unknown realms. The scene was solemn and impressive, and the group were all in tears. The dying never weep, 'tis said. Having no implements with which to dig his grave and expecting the return of the enemy in large force, they left him - not, however, without arranging his dress, straightening his limbs, and crossing his hands on his chest, leaving evidence to the dead man's companions that his last moment had been ministered to by humane and Christian men.

--
The last couple of sentences really remind me of one of the themes of Drew Gilpin Faust's This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War - the concept of the "good death." Even though this soldier was far from home and friends, he still was fortunate enough - in terms of his era's beliefs - to receive such kind and spritiually-minded treatment as his life faded away instead of being alone on a strange road far from any such ministrations. (Faust's book is another really good one that I heartily recommend, by the way.)

A War Romance

2011-12-16T11:31:00.000-05:00

This story appeared in the Covington Journal of December 14, 1861. It is obviously not serious war news, but I found it to be kind of a fun story. It is also interesting that the writer assumed the Union soldier was an "Abolitionist" even several months before the Emancipation Proclamation.Many Union soldiers opposed abolitionism and did not want to fight for the slaves.

A correspondent of the Clarksville Jeffersonian, writing from Columbus, Ky., says:

Quite a romantic little incident "developed" itself yesterday. A skiff from Cairo, with a flag of truce, made a landing in front of Gen. Pillow's headquarters. It contained a young gentleman and a young lady. The young lady is a native of Port Gibson, Miss., and has been going to school at Columbus, Ohio. When the war commenced she found she could not get home, and has been waiting several months for an opportunity to see her native soil. Finally a gallant young Lincolnite (who was probably an ardent lover, also), proffered his services to conduct her to this place. At Caiuo he procured passes from Gen. Grant and the couple started out in a skiff, and made the trip down in four hours and a half. Gen. Pillow gave the young man a pass to return. The affair created some little excitement, and furnished the boys some food for conversation. The young man was the nicest looking Abolitionist I have seen for a long time.


courtesy petpeoplesplace.com

Brief article on emancipation

2011-12-15T13:26:00.002-05:00

From the Covington Journal of December 14, 1861, comes this article reprinted from another newspaper. The comments here are similar to Lincoln's thoughts as to why emancipation was not a wise course at this point in the war. The comments about extermination of the black race are more harsh than anything Lincoln believed, far more extreme than his support of colonization. Of course, less than a year later, Lincoln would put less emphasis on the desires of border states like Kentucky and proceed with a plan for emancipation.

The Louisville Democrat is outspoken in opposition to the Cameron scheme of emancipation:

We speak of it plainly: the scheme for general emancipation or arming the blacks will lose every State in the Union. It would take a standing army of 200,000 men to retain Kentucky in the Union, and then the soldiers would be compelled to aid in exterminating the black race. If they are emancipated, there is but one thing to be done with them: they must be wiped out - utterly obliterated. It must be a merciless, savage extermination of the whole tribe.

courtesy timeanddate.com

Book Review: Year of Metors

2011-12-14T18:29:00.000-05:00

Year of Meteors: Stephen Douglas, Abraham Lincoln, and the Election that Brought on the Civil War

Douglas R. Egerton

Bloomsbury Press

I had heard some very good reviews and comments about Douglas R. Egerton's recent book Year of Meteors, so it was with great anticipation that I finally grabbed this volume from my shelf and read it for myself. I was not disappointed.

In this work, Egerton discusses the 1860 Presidential election, discussing the many candidates, parties, platforms, hopes, wishes and goals involved in the long, controversial process.

This is a very readable and informative book. It describes this famous election as one expected to feature Stephen Douglas of the Democratic Party and William Henry Seward for the upstart Republicans. Things did not work out that way and Egerton shows how and why such changes occurred.

Discussing the motives of fire-eaters, particularly William Yancey of Alabama and Robert Barnwell Rhett of South Carolina, the author shows how the Democrats could not agree on one candidate, as the northern members of the party supported Douglas and his popular sovereignty and Freeport Doctrine beliefs, while southern members believed those positions were too similar to abolitionist beliefs and fought for more stringent guarantees of and protection for slavery. Eventually, the party split and Vice-President John Breckenridge of Kentucky became the choice of the Southern Democrats, while Douglas ran under the banner of the Northern Democrats, both sides claiming to represent the national party's interests. For some party members like Yancey and Rhett, this was not a bad thing.

Such controversy did not affect the other parties in the race, at least not with the same intensity. Egerton discusses how Seward was viewed as too radical, even as he gave more conciliatory speeches as the year unfolded, and how the ability to win states like Indiana, Illinois and Pennsylvania convinced many Republicans that a different candidate was needed. Men like Salmon Chase and Simon Cameron had their names mentioned, but in the end some clever maneuvering by his campaign leaders led Abraham Lincoln to win the party's nomination and be the unexpected challenger to the Democratic party's choice.

Egerton also describes a new party that formed for this race. This was probably my favorite part of the book, and at least was the most informative to me, as he discussed how Kentucky Senator John J. Crittenden tried to find a compromise between the positions of the Republican and Democratic parties. This eventually led to the formation of what was called the Constitutional Union party, with John Bell as its Presidential hoperful. Egerton's descriptions of how this party tried to run without a platform and to virtually ignore the issues surrounding slavery and the territories was eye-opening to me. I knew this was a conservative party,but never realized that they basically wrapped themselves in patriotic images and symbols, while paying no attention to the major political issues of the day, fearing that such discussion would only inflame tempers. Maybe they were right about the issues causing anger, but the description of their virtual "hear no evil, see no evil, speak no evil" approach really makes this party seem out of touch with reality and it is hard to comprehend how they could consider themselves a serious party. (Of course, I've since read other information that indicates the Whigs used a similar strategy in 1840 and even 1848, so maybe it was not as unusual as I thought.)

Egerton discusses other minor parties and candidates as well, such as Gerrit Smith and the Free Soil party, but focuses on the four main parties that captured most of the attention. He shows that the break-up of the Democratic party was no accident as several of the fire-eaters wanted to ensure a Republican victory as they thought that would lead their states to secede from the Union. Little did they realize the amount of pain and suffering that the split nation would suffer in the upcoming years.

One constant throughout this book is the importance of slavery and how the government related to and/or controlled it. Slavery is the dominant issue in this book, with men like Rhett and Yancey offering demands for its protection (the Alabama platform) and even men considered more moderate, like Jefferson Davis, insisting upon the rights of this institution to exist. Some mentions of southern hopes to acquire more territory for slavery pop up in this book, and virtually every discussion of political argument mentioned here is on this subject.

I really enjoyed this book and found it to be well-written, with a good flow to it. It describes the many different perspectives of the election, bases on records of the men who established said perspectives and does an excellent job of telling the story of how this election unfolded, from each party's selection of candidates to the election itself. It is a very fine book and I recommend it highly.

Courtesy americanhistory.si.edu

Good end to year at the Ramage Museum

2011-12-12T14:57:00.000-05:00

Yesterday we had our annual Civil War Christmas, the event which closes the museum for the year, and this year's exhibit was a terrific success. We had approximately 300 visitors and had a good day of sales through our gift shop and used book sale. Santa and Mrs. Clause were wonderful in entertaining the many kids who showed up, the ornament-making was popular and the dulcimer music, courtesy of Don, added a great touch to the event. That style of music is perfect for this time of year.

Thanks also to Judy B. for stopping in and showing kids (and parents) how to use ribbon to make ornaments and decorations. Her table was crowded virtually the entire day.

The group of re-enactors who showed up were terrific too, talking to people and demonstrating how to fire their rifles. Guests always like to see these men in their uniforms and that proved true again today. Their presence was much appreciated.

We had a fine year in 2011 as we transitioned into a financially self-sufficient model and look forward to more success in 2012, with our annual planning and scheduling meeting coming soon.

Thank to everybody who visited or supported us in 2011. Please consider purchasing a museum membership for 2012 as well. We still need your support

Newspaper article: The Negro in Congress

2011-12-11T18:12:00.000-05:00

This is from the Covington Journal of December 7, 2011.

The "Irrepressibles" in Congress are moving with a high hand.

Senator Trumbull has given notice of a bill to give freedom to persons in slave States.

Representative Elliott proposes to advise the President to emancipate all slaves in any military district in a state of insurrection against the government.

Representative Campbell proposes to confiscate the slaves of rebels.

Representative Stevens offers a resolution directing the President to declare free all slaves who may leave their masters.

Representative Gurley proposes to apprentice the slaves to loyal masters and after a while colonize them.

Senator Wilson has introduced a bill to punish officers of the army and soldiers who may return fugitives from slavery.

The same Senator has introduced a resolution directing the committee on the District of Columbia to inquire into the expediency of abolishing slavery in the District.

All of this is the work of a day or two, and it is only the beginning.

In this connection it is a significant fact that a resolution reiterating the Crittenden resolutions of last session to the effect that the only object in carrying on the war was to re-establish obedience to the Constitution and the Union, was on a motion of Mr. Stevens laid on the table by a vote of 71 to 65.

No one can mistake the purpose of the leading men of the party in power. If their counsels prevail the war will hereafter be prosecuted for the abolition of slavery.


Lyman Trumball and Thaddeus Stevens

Let's Talk About it: Making Sense of the Civil War

2011-12-10T15:53:00.000-05:00

I have been fortunate enough to participate in the Let's Talk About It: Making Sense of the Civil War series at the Boone County Public Library. It was one of only 65 libraries in the country (2 in Kentucky) to receive a grant to participate in this program offered by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the American Library Association.

We have had two sessions so far, with three more scheduled on the first Wednesday of every month. I hope winter weather will not be bad on those days as I would hate to miss any of the sessions.

The first session featured a theme of "Imagining War" and involved reading the novel March by Geraldine Brooks, as well as a brief reading from Louisa May Alcott.

For this past week, the topic morphed to "Choosing Sides" with several readings from America's War: Talking about the Civil War and Emancipation on their 150th Annversaries by University of Richmond President Edward Ayers.

I really found this month's readings to be quite fascinating. I previously mentioned Frederick Douglass' What to the Slaves is the 4th of July speech. It is very powerful and provides a terrific perspective of how Douglass interpreted American history as an African-American and former slave. The phrase "guilt trip" may be one possible way to describe it, as Douglass tried to make white Northerners see the separation of understanding of the country's history between his race and theirs.

I also found Henry David Thoreau's A Pleas for Captain John Brown to be quite fascinating. This was another new essay to me and Thoreau's unequivocal support for Brown impressed me. He did not hesitate to support Brown, though many Northerners, including the new Republican Party and it's supposed anti-slavery ideals, quickly criticized Brown's methods. (Thoreau had appeared in March in the previous session.) The question of Brown being either a hero or villain, martyr or terrorist still stirs debate more than 150 years later, but Thoreau strongly voiced his opinion even during the time when he knew Brown would soon be hanged.

Among the other readings were Abraham Lincoln's First Inaugural Address, Alexander Stephens' Cornerstone Address, pieces of a speech by Robert Montague supporting Virginia's secession and a speech by his colleague Stuart Chapman opposing secession. The last two did an excellent job of showing both sides of the argument. Both men supported slavery, but disagreed on how best to protect that institution.

The final three readings featured an excerpt from Elizabeth Brown Pryor's excellent Reading the Man, discussing Robert E. Lee's process of deciding to join the Confederacy, The Private History of a Campaign that Failed by Mark Twain and excerpts from the diary of a young Louisiana woman, Sarah Morgan, available as Sarah Morgan: The Civil War Diary of a Southern Woman. Re-reading the section on Lee and Pryor's additional thoughts she put together for this book provided a great view on how Lee approached his decision.

All of these readings were very valuable. At the meeting, the participants (about 35-40, same as the first meeting) broke into three discussion groups. The group in which I was involved talked mostly about Lee's decision and various aspects of it, but did touch on each of the readings, with several interesting points made and questions asked.

I am really enjoying this series and look forward to the next one in early January. Once this is through in March, though, I'm not sure what I will do. Hopefully I can find something at least similar to this in terms of discussion and participation and who knows, I may even make some friends and contacts in these sessions. I have enjoyed the people I have met so far.

If any readers have the chance to participate in this, please consider it strongly. It is fun and gives you the chance to hear other people's perspectives as well as questions that you may not think up on your own.

Slavery by numbers in Kentucky 1840-1859

2011-12-08T22:13:00.001-05:00

This article is from the March 31, 1860 edition of the Covington Journal and shows that the number of slaves in the state increased by over 45,000 over those two decades, but had decreased in the northern-most counties in the state.

Here is a screen capture of the article. It does not indicate the source of these records and I have not yet done any research to try to confirm these numbers (at the very least there should be census records from 1850 and 1860 and perhaps 1840 as well) but I thought it was an interesting article.

Youth's Companion: The End of the Rebellion

2011-12-06T21:41:00.000-05:00

Here's a report from the Youth's Companion from April 20, 1865. It certainly makes no pretense to be objective or provide both sides of the story, but this was a common reporting style of the time period, as papers often supported one political party or position through thick and thin. The Companion clearly supported the Union cause and the words it uses to describe Union soldiers and efforts clearly show that support.Perhaps even "propaganda" might

The End of the Rebellion
Our young readers have seen the joyful faces and heard the happy voices of thousands of people, within the last few days. We all now know what it is for. We have learned that Richmond has fallen, no more to lift up her head, and that the rebel Gen. Lee and all his army have finally been compelled to surrender. Th so-called Southern Confederacy is trampled in the dust, and its leaders, who tried to destroy our fair Union, will soon be like Cain of old, wanderers and outcasts upon the face of the earth. We may well lift up our heads and feel proud of what our brave soldiers have done. We have passed through a fiery trial that would, without doubt, have destroyed any other government, and have come out unscathed. Henceforth we can respect ourselves, and other nations will respect and fear us. For this we can devoutly thank that kind Providence, who has give us strength to suffer and be strong.

"O God, Thy arm was here,
And not to us, but to Thy arm alone
Ascribe we will"

At eight o'clock in the morning of April 3d Richmond was taken, and the long and courageous labors of Gen. Grant were crowned with success. The first of our troops to enter were those under command of Gen.Weitzel. These are colored troops, and this fact added tenfold to the ignominy of its surrender. For several days before this there had been terrible fighting all along our lines. Our men fought manfully, and as one fell wounded or dying,, his comrade stepped forward unflinchingly to fill his place. Sunday, April 2d, was a fearful day. The rebels fought with the fury of desperation. It was a beautiful spring morning, the grass was green and the birds far away were singing blithely, as Gen. Grant ordered a grand charge in four columns. For three hours previous there had been a furious cannonade extending along the front for nearly five miles. At daybreak came the grand onset, and our men bore down upon the enemy with a fury that was impossible for them to resist. The rebel lines were broken here and there throughout their whole length. In vain their officers rushed forward to encourage their men, who at length threw down their arms and fled in terror.

Meanwhile the gallant Sheridan with his cavalry had been fiercely making his way against the rebel right wing. He had flanked it, and was pressing resistlessly on. Nothing could stand before his men, and Gen. Lee now saw that is was all over with him and his army. The heaviest fighting took place near Petersburg, and here Gen. Lee commanded in person. As the afternoon of Sunday drew nigh, he withdrew his shattered and dispirited forces from the fortifications around the city and prepared to leave it. He sent an orderly to Jeff. Davis informing him that Petersburg must be evacuated and also that Richmond could no longer be held. The arch-rebel was attending church. The officer walked up the broad aisle amidst the wonder of the congregation, and handed the dispatch to Jeff. Davis. The latter turned pale, and left the house. Preparations were at once made to leave the city, and as the people passed on their way home the saw soldier burning the papers of the rebel government in front of the Capitol. The rebels determined to destroy all they could not carry away with them, and leave the city a heap of smoking ruins. They said it should be a l Moscow to the invading and victorious army. They fired the public buildings, and from them the ruin spread far and wide. When our soldiers entered they found over five hundred buildings on fire. Lee and Davis and all their rebel rout had fled, and in their rags had left havoc and desolation behind them.

The horrors of war are fearful, but they are not so much to be dreaded as the miseries of slavery. Lee had fled, and Grant was soon on his track. The retreating rebels had left everything scattered along their path.Guns, ammunition, muskets, coats, blankets, had all been thrown away in the hurry of their fearful and demoralized panic. Soon the rebel leader found Sheridan, the Murst of our army, pressing closely upon him. Warren's corp was with him, and Grant was not far off. Soon his left wing was surrounded, and obliged to surrender, with ten rebel generals and all their equipage. On the ninth of April Lee saw that all was over, and sent a despatch (sic) to Gen. Grant stating that he was ready to give himself up with all his army. Thus was the rebel finally crushed, and the death-blow given to the most cruel, unnecessary an gigantic rebellion that the world ever saw.

It is an old maxim that "to the victors belong the spoils." In our case they certainly deserve it. What reward can be too great for Grant, Sherman, Sheridan and the host of brave men that have fought and bled for their country? Their blood has not been shed in vain. Their constant patriotism, their heroic endurance, their long-suffering will now receive the reward they merit. We will not forget them in the day of our rejoicing, nor refuse them the love and admiration that are always due to brave deeds. Nor will we forget those who have fallen in our long contest, and who have not lived to see the glory of our renewed youth. Let our young readers ever think of those who thus sacrificed themselves for their country. When we see any of their weeping, sorrowing relatives, mothers, widows, brothers, sisters of these martyrs of liberty, let us try to comfort their sadness, assuage their hearts, that they may feel that their dearly loved ones have not died in vain. Our country must now become happy and prosperous. Our course will be on and on to renewed vigor and power. Let us all devoutly thank that kind Providence which has brought us successfully through our great struggle, and resolve anew to do all that we can in future for His glory. So shall our country feel that we are worthy of her; so shall we contribute each one his mite to her undying prosperity.

An Elegy

2011-12-01T18:07:00.000-05:00

From The Civil War in Song and Story 1860-1865, collected and arranged by Frank Moore, page 69

An Elegy - The following lines were written by a soldier in the hospital at New Haven, Conn., who lost his leg in the battle of Fair Oaks:

Good leg, thou wast a faithful friend,
And truly hast thy duty done;
I thank thee most that to the end,
Thou didst not let this body run.

Strange paradox that in the fight
Where I of thee was thus bereft,
I lost my left leg for "the Right,"
And yet the right's the one that's left!

But while the sturdy stump remains,
I may be able yet to patch it,
For even now I've taken pains
To make an L-E-G to match it.

Editorial Cartoon: Lincoln and the Negro Question

2011-11-27T16:19:00.001-05:00

I found this editorial cartoon in Albert Shaw's Abraham Lincoln: The Year of His Election (The Review of Reviews Corporation, 1929).

This appears on page 163 and provides a German perspective (presumably translated into English for this book) about the South's attempt to secede from the Union and what motivated it. This drawing and the caption leave no doubt as to what this paper thought motivated the South.

Here is some information on the cartoonist Wilhelm Scholz, including a link to more details on Kladderadatsch.

The War and Slavery: A Speech by Union Colonel John Cochrane

2011-11-23T11:23:00.001-05:00


John Cochrane, courtesy dmna.state.ny.us

Here is a story from the Covington Journal of November 23, 1861. All emphasis is repeated as published in this story.

A recent speech by Col. JOHN COCHRANE, his regiment stationed near Washington has been brought into prominent notice by the fact that SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War, was present at the delivery and heartily endorsed the sentiments uttered. The gist of Cochrane'e speech, to which we invite the close attention of the reader, is thus reported:

"Shall we not seize the cotton at Beaufort, the munitions of war? And if you would open their ports, seize their property and even destroy their lives, I ask you whether you would not use their slaves? Whether you would not ARM THEIR SLAVES [great applause] AND CARRY THEM IN BATTALIONS AGAINST THEIR MASTERS? [Renewed and tumultuous applause.] If necessary to save this government, I would plunge their whole community, black and white, IN ONE INDISCRIMINATE SEA OF BLOOD, so that in the end we should have a government which should be the vicegerent of God."

After Col. Cochrane had concluded, Secretary Cameron said:
"I APPROVE OF EVERY SENTIMENT UTTERED BY YOUR NOBLE COMMANDER. All the doctrines he has laid down, I approve of, as if it were uttered in my own words. They are my sentiments, and the sentiments which will eventually lead to victory. It is no time to talk to these people about meeting them on their own terms. We must treat them as our enemies, and punish them as our enemies, until they learn to behave themselves. Every means which God has placed in our hands, we must use until they are subdued."

In this connection we give an extract from an editorial article in a late number of the New York Tribune, the most influential Administration paper in the country:

"God favoring, circumstances permitting, the way opened by a Providence which will indeed be divine, SHALL WE NOT RID OURSELVES OF SLAVERY ONCE AND FOREVER! Where is the intelligent Northern man, we care not how he may politically style himself,who will not say from the bottom of his heart, to such a question "Yes!" If this is to be an "Abolitionist," we should like to look in the face of the poor creature who will say that he is not one. This is no longer a question of morals, but one of common sense and of common safety; of ordinary prudence and the least possible foresight. We are arguing for no particular scheme; we are demanding no hasty action; we feel as much as any the need of a circumspect policy; BUT UPON THE NAKED QUESTION OF "ABOLITION" OR "NO ABOLITION" WE BELIEVE THAT EVERY HONEST, THINKING MAN WILL BE READY TO AVOW HIMSELF AN "ABOLITIONIST."

Here we have as the programme not Abolitionism merely but the arming of slaves against their masters, and if deemed necessary by the North, and God favoring, "plunging the South, black and white, in one indiscriminate sea of blood."

We submit the facts, without comment.

--
Cochrane's speech may have come across as quite controversial, at least according to this clarification of his intents that the New York Times published on November 24, 1861. He apparently did not wish to be associated with the term "abolitionist" in any way at all.

Simon Cameron, courtesy senate.gov

Book Review: Carrying the Flag by Gordon C Rhea

2011-11-21T10:39:00.000-05:00

Carrying the Flag: The Story of Private Charles Whilden, the Confederacy's Most Unlikely Hero

Gordon C. Rhea

Basic Books

In this fine narrative, Gordon C. Rhea describes the life story of a truly "common" Confederate soldier, with the battles and campaign that gave him the chance to go from "ordinary" to "hero" in a matter of minutes.

Writing in a style of a story teller, Rhea tells of the frustrations that Charles Whilden experienced for much of his life, including in the early 1860s when his health issues kept him from being accepted into the Confederate Army. Whether at home in Charleston, in Detroit or in New Mexico, Whilden struggled to achieve success, personally (he never married, and racked up various debts) and professionally (not finding a satisfying job that rewarded him financially.) Eventually, Whilden got his break when Confederate manpower shortages allowed the 1st South Carolina Regiment to accept him into their ranks.

Rhea uncovered many sources to describe Whilden's life, and the regions in which he lived, and combined that with his knowledge and research of two early battles in the 1864 Overland Campaign that exposed Whilden to the so-called "glories" of war, the Battle of the Wilderness, and the Battle of Spotsylvania. Rhea describes how the armies approached each other and met in ferocious combat in both battles, describing the intensity of the fighting and suffering the men did. He paints a grim picture of these early May days, in both locations, describing the sights and sounds that men like Charles Whilden saw and heard. The vivid descriptions of these scenes do a terrific job of letting the reader understand - as much as we can - the type of horror these men experienced.

I will not describe in this review the actions Whilden took to earn the name hero, as Rhea does that in the book much better than I can, but the story he tells is one I'm glad to be familiar with now and one that I certainly recommend others read. Even seemingly small steps can lead to big accomplishments and inspire other people. (Granted, the title of the book does give a big hint about Whilden's actions.)

I do wish the book had included some illustrations or photographs and maybe a couple more maps. It did have one map each of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania at the front of the book, but some more detailed images of the areas would have been nice, especially later in the book when actions in these areas were being described.

Despite that minor criticism, I found this to be a very enjoyable, readable book that tells a wonderful story, illuminating a small, heroic-yet-unknown action that took place during one of the more terrible blood-lettings of the war. How many more heroes like Whilden made such courageous moves during the war, only to have their actions disappear into the fog of time and history? We may never know, but thanks to some surviving family papers, and Gordon Rhea's research and writing abilities, we can know realize and appreciate what Chalres Whilden did and the courage he showed in that one moment in May of 1864. This book does fine justice to Mr. Whilden's bravery.

Fighting for the Bloody Angle, courtesy nps.gov

Frederick Douglass: "What to the Slaves is the Fourth of July"

2011-11-18T17:58:00.001-05:00

courtesy www.pbs.org

I realize this might be more appropriate for an entry during the mid-summer, but I just read this speech recently and wanted to post it here. I am a bit surprised I had not read this before. It is very eloquent and powerful, certainly thought-provoking.

I take the text from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/douglassjuly4.html

It is quite long for a blog entry, so anyone who has not read this before may be more comfortable finding it a book format. Edward Ayers' America's War: Talking About the Civil War and Emancipation on their 150th Anniversaries has an abridged version of it and is where I first discovered it. It is certainly worth the time to read and ponder, especially about how it sounded to those in attendance.

Mr. President, Friends and Fellow Citizens:

He who could address this audience without a quailing sensation, has stronger nerves than I have. I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker before any assembly more shrinkingly, nor with greater distrust of my ability, than I do this day. A feeling has crept over me quite unfavorable to the exercise of my limited powers of speech. The task before me is one which requires much previous thought and study for its proper performance. I know that apologies of this sort are generally considered flat and unmeaning. I trust, however, that mine will not be so considered. Should I seem at ease, my appearance would much misrepresent me. The little experience I have had in addressing public meetings, in country school houses, avails me nothing on the present occasion.

The papers and placards say that I am to deliver a Fourth of July Oration. This certainly sounds large, and out of the common way, for me. It is true that I have often had the privilege to speak in this beautiful Hall, and to address many who now honor me with their presence. But neither their familiar faces, nor the perfect gage I think I have of Corinthian Hall seems to free me from embarrassment.

The fact is, ladies and gentlemen, the distance between this platform and the slave plantation, from which I escaped, is considerable-and the difficulties to he overcome in getting from the latter to the former are by no means slight. That I am here to-day is, to me, a matter of astonishment as well as of gratitude. You will not, therefore, be surprised, if in what I have to say I evince no elaborate preparation, nor grace my speech with any high sounding exordium. With little experience and with less learning, I have been able to throw my thoughts hastily and imperfectly together; and trusting to your patient and generous indulgence I will proceed to lay them before you.

This, for the purpose of this celebration, is the Fourth of July. It is the birth day of your National Independence, and of your political freedom. This, to you, as what the Passover was to the emancipated people of God. It carries your minds back to the day, and to the act of your great deliverance; and to the signs, and to the wonders, associated with that act, and that day. This celebration also marks the beginning of another year of your national life; and reminds you that the Republic of America is now 76 years old. l am glad, fellow-citizens, that your nation is so young. Seventy-six years, though a good old age for a man, is but a mere speck in the life of a nation. Three score years and ten is the allotted time for individual men; but nations number their years by thousands. According to this fact, you are, even now, only in the beginning of your national career, still lingering in the period of childhood. I repeat, I am glad this is so. There is hope in the thought, and hope is much needed, under the dark clouds which lower above the horizon. The eye of the reformer is met with angry flashes, portending disastrous times; but his heart may well beat lighter at the thought that America is young, and that she is still in the impressible stage of her existence. May he not hope that high lessons of wisdom, of justice and of truth, will yet give direction to her destiny? Were the nation older, the patriot's heart might be sadder, and the reformer's brow heavier. Its future might be shrouded in gloom, and the hope of its prophets go out in sorrow. There is consolation in the thought that America is young.-Great streams are not easily turned from channels, worn deep in the course of ages. They may sometimes rise in quiet and stately majesty, and inundate the land, refreshing and fertilizing the earth with their mysterious properties. They may also rise in wrath and fury, and bear away, on their angry waves, the accumulated wealth of years of toil and hardship. They, however, gradually flow back to the same old channel, and flow on as serenely as ever. But, while the river may not be turned aside, it may dry up, and leave nothing behind but the withered branch, and the unsightly rock, to howl in the abyss-sweeping wind, the sad tale of departed glory. As with rivers so with nations.

Fellow-citizens, I shall not presume to dwell at length on the associations that cluster about this day. The simple story of it is, that, 76 years ago, the people of this country were British subjects. The style and title of your "sovereign people" (in which you now glory) was not then born. You were under the British Crown. Your fathers esteemed the English Government as the home government; and England as the fatherland. This home government, you know, although a considerable distance from your home, did, in the exercise of its parental prerogatives, impose upon its colonial children, such restraints, burdens and limitations, as, in its mature judgment, it deemed wise, right and proper.

But your fathers, who had not adopted the fashionable idea of this day, of the infallibility of government, and the absolute character of its acts, presumed to differ from the home government in respect to the wisdom and the justice of some of those burdens and restraints. They went so far in their excitement as to pronounce the measures of government unjust, unreasonable, and oppressive, and altogether such as ought not to be quietly submitted to. I scarcely need say, fellow-citizens, that my opinion of those measures fully accords with that of your fathers. Such a declaration of agreement on my part would not be worth much to anybody. It would certainly prove nothing as to what part I might have taken had I lived during the great controversy of 1776. To say now that America was right, and England wrong, is exceedingly easy. Everybody can say it; the dastard, not less than the noble brave, can flippantly discant on the tyranny of England towards the American Colonies. It is fashionable to do so; but there was a time when, to pronounce against England, and in favor of the cause of the colonies, tried men's souls. They who did so were accounted in their day plotters of mischief, agitators and rebels, dangerous men. To side with the right against the wrong, with the weak against the strong, and with the oppressed against the oppressor! here lies the merit, and the one which, of all others, seems unfashionable in our day. The cause of liberty may be stabbed by the men who glory in the deeds of your fathers. But, to proceed.

Feeling themselves harshly and unjustly treated, by the home government, your fathers, like men of honesty, and men of spirit, earnestly sought redress. They petitioned and remonstrated; they did so in a decorous, respectful, and loyal manner. Their conduct was wholly unexceptionable. This, however, did not answer the purpose. They saw themselves treated with sovereign indifference, coldness and scorn. Yet they persevered. They were not the men to look back.

As the sheet anchor takes a firmer hold, when the ship is tossed by the storm, so did the cause of your fathers grow stronger as it breasted the chilling blasts of kingly displeasure. The greatest and best of British statesmen admitted its justice, and the loftiest eloquence of the British Senate came to its support. But, with that blindness which seems to be the unvarying characteristic of tyrants, since Pharaoh and his hosts were drowned in the Red Sea, the British Government persisted in the exactions complained of.

The madness of this course, we believe, is admitted now, even by England; but we fear the lesson is wholly lost on our present rulers.

Oppression makes a wise man mad. Your fathers were wise men, and if they did not go mad, they became restive under this treatment. They felt themselves the victims of grievous wrongs, wholly incurable in their colonial capacity. With brave men there is always a remedy for oppression. Just here, the idea of a total separation of the colonies from the crown was born! It was a startling idea, much more so than we, at this distance of time, regard it. The timid and the prudent (as has been intimated) of that day were, of course, shocked and alarmed by it.

Such people lived then, had lived before, and will, probably, ever have a place on this planet; and their course, in respect to any great change (no matter how great the good to be attained, or the wrong to be redressed by it), may be calculated with as much precision as can be the course of the stars. They hate all changes, but silver, gold and copper change! Of this sort of change they are always strongly in favor.

These people were called Tories in the days of your fathers; and the appellation, probably, conveyed the same idea that is meant by a more modern, though a somewhat less euphonious term, which we often find in our papers, applied to some of our old politicians.

Their opposition to the then dangerous thought was earnest and powerful; but, amid all their terror and affrighted vociferations against it, the alarming and revolutionary idea moved on, and the country with it.

On the 2nd of July, 1776, the old Continental Congress, to the dismay of the lovers of ease, and the worshipers of property, clothed that dreadful idea with all the authority of national sanction. They did so in the form of a resolution; and as we seldom hit upon resolutions, drawn up in our day, whose transparency is at all equal to this, it may refresh your minds and help my story if I read it.

"Resolved, That these united colonies are, and of right, ought to be free and Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown; and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, dissolved."

Citizens, your fathers made good that resolution. They succeeded; and to-day you reap the fruits of their success. The freedom gained is yours; and you, there fore, may properly celebrate this anniversary. The 4th of July is the first great fact in your nation's history-the very ringbolt in the chain of your yet undeveloped destiny.

Pride and patriotism, not less than gratitude, prompt you to celebrate and to hold it in perpetual remembrance. I have said that the Declaration of Independence is the ringbolt to the chain of your nation's destiny; so, indeed, I regard it. The principles contained in that instrument are saving principles. Stand by those principles, be true to them on all occasions, in all places, against all foes, and at whatever cost.

From the round top of your ship of state, dark and threatening clouds may be seen. Heavy billows, like mountains in the distance, disclose to the leeward huge forms of flinty rocks! That bolt drawn, that chain broken, and all is lost. Cling to this day-cling to it, and to its principles, with the grasp of a storm-tossed mariner to a spar at midnight.

The coming into being of a nation, in any circumstances, is an interesting event. But, besides general considerations, there were peculiar circumstances which make the advent of this republic an event of special attractiveness. The whole scene, as I look back to it, was simple, dignified and sublime. The population of the country, at the time, stood at the insignificant number of three millions. The country was poor in the munitions of war. The population was weak and scattered, and the country a wilderness unsubdued. There were then no means of concert and combination, such as exist now. Neither steam nor lightning had then been reduced to order and discipline. From the Potomac to the Delaware was a journey of many days. Under these, and innumerable other disadvantages, your fathers declared for liberty and independence and triumphed.

Fellow Citizens, I am not wanting in respect for the fathers of this republic. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men. They were great men, too-great enough to give frame to a great age. It does not often happen to a nation to raise, at one time, such a number of truly great men. The point from which I am compelled to view them is not, certainly, the most favorable; and yet I cannot contemplate their great deeds with less than admiration. They were statesmen, patriots and heroes, and for the good they did, and the principles they contended for, I will unite with you to honor their memory.

They loved their country better than their own private interests; and, though this is not the highest form of human excellence, all will concede that it is a rare virtue, and that when it is exhibited it ought to command respect. He who will, intelligently, lay down his life for his country is a man whom it is not in human nature to despise. Your fathers staked their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, on the cause of their country. In their admiration of liberty, they lost sight of all other interests.

They were peace men; but they preferred revolution to peaceful submission to bondage. They were quiet men; but they did not shrink from agitating against oppression. They showed forbearance; but that they knew its limits. They believed in order; but not in the order of tyranny. With them, nothing was "settIed" that was not right. With them, justice, liberty and humanity were "final"; not slavery and oppression. You may well cherish the memory of such men. They were great in their day and generation. Their solid manhood stands out the more as we contrast it with these degenerate times.

How circumspect, exact and proportionate were all their movements! How unlike the politicians of an hour! Their statesmanship looked beyond the passing moment, and stretched away in strength into the distant future. They seized upon eternal principles, and set a glorious example in their defence. Mark them! Fully appreciating the hardships to be encountered, firmly believing in the right of their cause, honorably inviting the scrutiny of an on-looking world, reverently appealing to heaven to attest their sincerity, soundly comprehending the solemn responsibility they were about to assume, wisely measuring the terrible odds against them, your fathers, the fathers of this republic, did, most deliberately, under the inspiration of a glorious patriotism, and with a sublime faith in the great principles of justice and freedom, lay deep, the corner-stone of the national super-structure, which has risen and still rises in grandeur around you.

Of this fundamental work, this day is the anniversary. Our eyes are met with demonstrations of joyous enthusiasm. Banners and pennants wave exultingly on the breeze. The din of business, too, is hushed. Even mammon seems to have quitted his grasp on this day. The ear-piercing fife and the stirring drum unite their accents with the ascending peal of a thousand church bells. Prayers are made, hymns are sung, and sermons are preached in honor of this day; while the quick martial tramp of a great and multitudinous nation, echoed back by all the hills, valleys and mountains of a vast continent, bespeak the occasion one of thrilling and universal interest-nation's jubilee.

Friends and citizens, I need not enter further into the causes which led to this anniversary. Many of you understand them better than I do. You could instruct me in regard to them. That is a branch of knowledge in which you feel, perhaps, a much deeper interest than your speaker. The causes which led to the separation of the colonies from the British crown have never lacked for a tongue. They have all been taught in your common schools, narrated at your firesides, un folded from your pulpits, and thundered from your legislative halls, and are as familiar to you as household words. They form the staple of your national po etry and eloquence.

I remember, also, that, as a people, Americans are remarkably familiar with all facts which make in their own favor. This is esteemed by some as a national trait-perhaps a national weakness. It is a fact, that whatever makes for the wealth or for the reputation of Americans and can be had cheap! will be found by Americans. I shall not be charged with slandering Americans if I say I think the American side of any question may be safely left in American hands.

I leave, therefore, the great deeds of your fathers to other gentlemen whose claim to have been regularly descended will be less likely to be disputed than mine!

My business, if I have any here to-day, is with the present. The accepted time with God and His cause is the ever-living now.

Trust no future, however pleasant,
Let the dead past bury its dead;
Act, act in the living present,
Heart within, and God overhead.

We have to do with the past only as we can make it useful to the present and to the future. To all inspiring motives, to noble deeds which can be gained from the past, we are welcome. But now is the time, the important time. Your fathers have lived, died, and have done their work, and have done much of it well. You live and must die, and you must do your work. You have no right to enjoy a child's share in the labor of your fathers, unless your children are to be blest by your labors. You have no right to wear out and waste the hard-earned fame of your fathers to cover your indolence. Sydney Smith tells us that men seldom eulogize the wisdom and virtues of their fathers, but to excuse some folly or wickedness of their own. This truth is not a doubtful one. There are illustrations of it near and remote, ancient and modern. It was fashionable, hundreds of years ago, for the children of Jacob to boast, we have "Abraham to our father," when they had long lost Abraham's faith and spirit. That people contented themselves under the shadow of Abraham's great name, while they repudiated the deeds which made his name great. Need I remind you that a similar thing is being done all over this country to-day? Need I tell you that the Jews are not the only people who built the tombs of the prophets, and garnished the sepulchers of the righteous? Washington could not die till he had broken the chains of his slaves. Yet his monument is built up by the price of human blood, and the traders in the bodies and souls of men shout-"We have Washington to our father."-Alas! that it should be so; yet it is.

The evil, that men do, lives after them,
The good is oft interred with their bones.

Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here to-day? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? and am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?

Would to God, both for your sakes and ours, that an affirmative answer could be truthfully returned to these questions! Then would my task be light, and my burden easy and delightful. For who is there so cold, that a nation's sympathy could not warm him? Who so obdurate and dead to the claims of gratitude, that would not thankfully acknowledge such priceless benefits? Who so stolid and selfish, that would not give his voice to swell the hallelujahs of a nation's jubilee, when the chains of servitude had been torn from his limbs? I am not that man. In a case like that, the dumb might eloquently speak, and the "lame man leap as an hart."

But such is not the state of the case. I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common.-The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fa thers, is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought light and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak to-day? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation whose crimes, towering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in irrevocable ruin! I can to-day take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe-smitten people!

"By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down. Yea! we wept when we remembered Zion. We hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof. For there, they that carried us away captive, required of us a song; and they who wasted us required of us mirth, saying, Sing us one of the songs of Zion. How can we sing the Lord's song in a strange land? If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth."

Fellow-citizens, above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions! whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday, are, to-day, rendered more intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. If I do forget, if I do not faithfully remember those bleeding children of sorrow this day, "may my right hand forget her cunning, and may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!" To forget them, to pass lightly over their wrongs, and to chime in with the popular theme, would be treason most scandalous and shocking, and would make me a reproach before God and the world. My subject, then, fellow-citizens, is American slavery. I shall see this day and its popular characteristics from the slave's point of view. Standing there identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July! Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to the future. Standing with God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity which is outraged, in the name of liberty which is fettered, in the name of the constitution and the Bible which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery-the great sin and shame of America! "I will not equivocate; I will not excuse"; I will use the severest language I can command; and yet not one word shall escape me that any man, whose judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confess to be right and just.

But I fancy I hear some one of my audience say, "It is just in this circumstance that you and your brother abolitionists fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind. Would you argue more, and denounce less; would you persuade more, and rebuke less; your cause would be much more likely to succeed." But, I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. What point in the anti slavery creed would you have me argue? On what branch of the subject do the people of this country need light? Must I undertake to prove that the slave is a man? That point is conceded already. Nobody doubts it. The slaveholders themselves acknowledge it in the enactment of laws for their government. They ac knowledge it when they punish disobedience on the part of the slave. There are seventy-two crimes in the State of Virginia which, if committed by a black man (no matter how ignorant he be), subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like punishment. What is this but the acknowledgment that the slave is a moral, intellectual, and responsible being? The manhood of the slave is conceded. It is admitted in the fact that Southern statute books are covered with enactments forbidding, under severe fines and penalties, the teaching of the slave to read or to write. When you can point to any such laws in reference to the beasts of the field, then I may con sent to argue the manhood of the slave. When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave from a brute, then will I argue with you that the slave is a man!

For the present, it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are ploughing, planting, and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver and gold; that, while we are reading, writing and ciphering, acting as clerks, merchants and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators and teachers; that, while we are engaged in all manner of enterprises common to other men, digging gold in California, capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hill-side, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives and children, and, above all, confessing and worshipping the Christian's God, and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave, we are called upon to prove that we are men!

Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? that he is the rightful owner of his own body? You have already declared it. Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery? Is that a question for Republicans? Is it to be settled by the rules of logic and argumentation, as a matter beset with great difficulty, involving a doubtful application of the principle of justice, hard to be understood? How should I look to-day, in the presence of Americans, dividing, and subdividing a discourse, to show that men have a natural right to freedom? speaking of it relatively and positively, negatively and affirmatively. To do so, would be to make myself ridiculous, and to offer an insult to your understanding.-There is not a man beneath the canopy of heaven that does not know that slavery is wrong for him.

What, am I to argue that it is wrong to make men brutes, to rob them of their liberty, to work them without wages, to keep them ignorant of their relations to their fellow men, to beat them with sticks, to flay their flesh with the lash, to load their limbs with irons, to hunt them with dogs, to sell them at auction, to sunder their families, to knock out their teeth, to burn their flesh, to starve them into obedience and submission to their masters? Must I argue that a system thus marked with blood, and stained with pollution, is wrong? No! I will not. I have better employment for my time and strength than such arguments would imply.

What, then, remains to be argued? Is it that slavery is not divine; that God did not establish it; that our doctors of divinity are mistaken? There is blasphemy in the thought. That which is inhuman, cannot be divine! Who can reason on such a proposition? They that can, may; I cannot. The time for such argument is passed.

At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. O! had I the ability, and could reach the nation's ear, I would, to-day, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced.

What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer; a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy-a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, at this very hour.

Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the Old World, travel through South America, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me, that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival.

Take the American slave-trade, which we are told by the papers, is especially prosperous just now. Ex-Senator Benton tells us that the price of men was never higher than now. He mentions the fact to show that slavery is in no danger. This trade is one of the peculiarities of American institutions. It is carried on in all the large towns and cities in one-half of this confederacy; and millions are pocketed every year by dealers in this horrid traffic. In several states this trade is a chief source of wealth. It is called (in contradistinction to the foreign slave-trade) "the internal slave-trade." It is, probably, called so, too, in order to divert from it the horror with which the foreign slave-trade is contemplated. That trade has long since been denounced by this government as piracy. It has been denounced with burning words from the high places of the nation as an execrable traffic. To arrest it, to put an end to it, this nation keeps a squadron, at immense cost, on the coast of Africa. Everywhere, in this country, it is safe to speak of this foreign slave-trade as a most inhuman traffic, opposed alike to the Jaws of God and of man. The duty to extirpate and destroy it, is admitted even by our doctors of divinity. In order to put an end to it, some of these last have consented that their colored brethren (nominally free) should leave this country, and establish them selves on the western coast of Africa! It is, however, a notable fact that, while so much execration is poured out by Americans upon all those engaged in the foreign slave-trade, the men engaged in the slave-trade between the states pass with out condemnation, and their business is deemed honorable.

Behold the practical operation of this internal slave-trade, the American slave-trade, sustained by American politics and American religion. Here you will see men and women reared like swine for the market. You know what is a swine-drover? I will show you a man-drover. They inhabit all our Southern States. They perambulate the country, and crowd the highways of the nation, with droves of human stock. You will see one of these human flesh jobbers, armed with pistol, whip, and bowie-knife, driving a company of a hundred men, women, and children, from the Potomac to the slave market at New Orleans. These wretched people are to be sold singly, or in lots, to suit purchasers. They are food for the cotton-field and the deadly sugar-mill. Mark the sad procession, as it moves wearily along, and the inhuman wretch who drives them. Hear his savage yells and his blood-curdling oaths, as he hurries on his affrighted captives! There, see the old man with locks thinned and gray. Cast one glance, if you please, upon that young mother, whose shoulders are bare to the scorching sun, her briny tears falling on the brow of the babe in her arms. See, too, that girl of thirteen, weeping, yes! weeping, as she thinks of the mother from whom she has been torn! The drove moves tardily. Heat and sorrow have nearly consumed their strength; suddenly you hear a quick snap, like the discharge of a rifle; the fetters clank, and the chain rattles simultaneously; your ears are saluted with a scream, that seems to have torn its way to the centre of your soul The crack you heard was the sound of the slave-whip; the scream you heard was from the woman you saw with the babe. Her speed had faltered under the weight of her child and her chains! that gash on her shoulder tells her to move on. Follow this drove to New Orleans. Attend the auction; see men examined like horses; see the forms of women rudely and brutally exposed to the shock ing gaze of American slave-buyers. See this drove sold and separated forever; and never forget the deep, sad sobs that arose from that scattered multitude. Tell me, citizens, where, under the sun, you can witness a spectacle more fiendish and shocking. Yet this is but a glance at the American slave-trade, as it exists, at this moment, in the ruling part of the United States.

I was born amid such sights and scenes. To me the American slave-trade is a terrible reality. When a child, my soul was often pierced with a sense of its horrors. I lived on Philpot Street, Fell's Point, Baltimore, and have watched from the wharves the slave ships in the Basin, anchored from the shore, with their cargoes of human flesh, waiting for favorable winds to waft them down the Chesapeake. There was, at that time, a grand slave mart kept at the head of Pratt Street, by Austin Woldfolk. His agents were sent into every town and county in Maryland, announcing their arrival, through the papers, and on flaming "hand-bills," headed cash for Negroes. These men were generally well dressed men, and very captivating in their manners; ever ready to drink, to treat, and to gamble. The fate of many a slave has depended upon the turn of a single card; and many a child has been snatched from the arms of its mother by bargains arranged in a state of brutal drunkenness.

The flesh-mongers gather up their victims by dozens, and drive them, chained, to the general depot at Baltimore. When a sufficient number has been collected here, a ship is chartered for the purpose of conveying the forlorn crew to Mobile, or to New Orleans. From the slave prison to the ship, they are usually driven in the darkness of night; for since the antislavery agitation, a certain caution is observed.

In the deep, still darkness of midnight, I have been often aroused by the dead, heavy footsteps, and the piteous cries of the chained gangs that passed our door. The anguish of my boyish heart was intense; and I was often consoled, when speaking to my mistress in the morning, to hear her say that the custom was very wicked; that she hated to hear the rattle of the chains and the heart-rending cries. I was glad to find one who sympathized with me in my horror.

Fellow-citizens, this murderous traffic is, to-day, in active operation in this boasted republic. In the solitude of my spirit I see clouds of dust raised on the highways of the South; I see the bleeding footsteps; I hear the doleful wail of fettered humanity on the way to the slave-markets, where the victims are to be sold like horses, sheep, and swine, knocked off to the highest bidder. There I see the tenderest ties ruthlessly broken, to gratify the lust, caprice and rapacity of the buyers and sellers of men. My soul sickens at the sight.

Is this the land your Fathers loved,
The freedom which they toiled to win?
Is this the earth whereon they moved?
Are these the graves they slumber in?

But a still more inhuman, disgraceful, and scandalous state of things remains to be presented. By an act of the American Congress, not yet two years old, slavery has been nationalized in its most horrible and revolting form. By that act, Mason and Dixon's line has been obliterated; New York has become as Virginia; and the power to hold, hunt, and sell men, women and children, as slaves, remains no longer a mere state institution, but is now an institution of the whole United States. The power is co-extensive with the star-spangled banner, and American Christianity. Where these go, may also go the merciless slave-hunter. Where these are, man is not sacred. He is a bird for the sportsman's gun. By that most foul and fiendish of all human decrees, the liberty and person of every man are put in peril. Your broad republican domain is hunting ground for men. Not for thieves and robbers, enemies of society, merely, but for men guilty of no crime. Your law-makers have commanded all good citizens to engage in this hellish sport. Your President, your Secretary of State, your lords, nobles, and ecclesiastics enforce, as a duty you owe to your free and glorious country, and to your God, that you do this accursed thing. Not fewer than forty Americans have, within the past two years, been hunted down and, without a moment's warning, hurried away in chains, and consigned to slavery and excruciating torture. Some of these have had wives and children, dependent on them for bread; but of this, no account was made. The right of the hunter to his prey stands superior to the right of marriage, and to all rights in this republic, the rights of God included! For black men there is neither law nor justice, humanity nor religion. The Fugitive Slave Law makes mercy to them a crime; and bribes the judge who tries them. An American judge gets ten dollars for every victim he consigns to slavery, and five, when he fails to do so. The oath of any two villains is sufficient, under this hell-black enactment, to send the most pious and exemplary black man into the remorseless jaws of slavery! His own testimony is nothing. He can bring no witnesses for himself. The minister of American justice is bound by the law to hear but one side; and that side is the side of the oppressor. Let this damning fact be perpetually told. Let it be thundered around the world that in tyrant-killing, king-hating, people-loving, democratic, Christian America the seats of justice are filled with judges who hold their offices under an open and palpable bribe, and are bound, in deciding the case of a man's liberty, to hear only his accusers!

In glaring violation of justice, in shameless disregard of the forms of administering law, in cunning arrangement to entrap the defenceless, and in diabolical intent this Fugitive Slave Law stands alone in the annals of tyrannical legislation. I doubt if there be another nation on the globe having the brass and the baseness to put such a law on the statute-book. If any man in this assembly thinks differently from me in this matter, and feels able to disprove my statements, I will gladly confront him at any suitable time and place he may select.

I take this law to be one of the grossest infringements of Christian Liberty, and, if the churches and ministers of our country were nor stupidly blind, or most wickedly indifferent, they, too, would so regard it.

At the very moment that they are thanking God for the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, and for the right to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences, they are utterly silent in respect to a law which robs religion of its chief significance and makes it utterly worthless to a world lying in wickedness. Did this law concern the "mint, anise, and cummin"-abridge the right to sing psalms, to partake of the sacrament, or to engage in any of the ceremonies of religion, it would be smitten by the thunder of a thousand pulpits. A general shout would go up from the church demanding repeal, repeal, instant repeal!-And it would go hard with that politician who presumed to so licit the votes of the people without inscribing this motto on his banner. Further, if this demand were not complied with, another Scotland would be added to the history of religious liberty, and the stern old covenanters would be thrown into the shade. A John Knox would be seen at every church door and heard from every pulpit, and Fillmore would have no more quarter than was shown by Knox to the beautiful, but treacherous, Queen Mary of Scotland. The fact that the church of our country (with fractional exceptions) does not esteem "the Fugitive Slave Law" as a declaration of war against religious liberty, im plies that that church regards religion simply as a form of worship, an empty ceremony, and not a vital principle, requiring active benevolence, justice, love, and good will towards man. It esteems sacrifice above mercy; psalm-singing above right doing; solemn meetings above practical righteousness. A worship that can be conducted by persons who refuse to give shelter to the houseless, to give bread to the hungry, clothing to the naked, and who enjoin obedience to a law forbidding these acts of mercy is a curse, not a blessing to mankind. The Bible addresses all such persons as "scribes, pharisees, hypocrites, who pay tithe ofÝ mint, anise, and cummin, and have omitted the weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy, and faith."

But the church of this country is not only indifferent to the wrongs of the slave, it actually takes sides with the oppressors. It has made itself the bulwark of American slavery, and the shield of American slave-hunters. Many of its most eloquent Divines, who stand as the very lights of the church, have shamelessly given the sanction of religion and the Bible to the whole slave system. They have taught that man may, properly, be a slave; that the relation of master and slave is ordained of God; that to send back an escaped bondman to his master is clearly the duty of all the followers of the Lord Jesus Christ; and this horrible blasphemy is palmed off upon the world for Christianity.

For my part, I would say, welcome infidelity! welcome atheism! welcome anything! in preference to the gospel, as preached by those Divines! They convert the very name of religion into an engine of tyranny and barbarous cruelty, and serve to confirm more infidels, in this age, than all the infidel writings of Thomas Paine, Voltaire, and Bolingbroke put together have done! These ministers make religion a cold and flinty-hearted thing, having neither principles of right action nor bowels of compassion. They strip the love of God of its beauty and leave the throne of religion a huge, horrible, repulsive form. It is a religion for oppressors, tyrants, man-stealers, and thugs. It is not that "pure and undefiled religion" which is from above, and which is "first pure, then peaceable, easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and with out hypocrisy." But a religion which favors the rich against the poor; which exalts the proud above the humble; which divides mankind into two classes, tyrants and slaves; which says to the man in chains, stay there; and to the oppressor, oppress on; it is a religion which may be professed and enjoyed by all the robbers and enslavers of mankind; it makes God a respecter of persons, denies his fatherhood of the race, and tramples in the dust the great truth of the brotherhood of man. All this we affirm to be true of the popular church, and the popular worship of our land and nation-a religion, a church, and a worship which, on the authority of inspired wisdom, we pronounce to be an abomination in the sight of God. In the language of Isaiah, the American church might be well addressed, "Bring no more vain oblations; incense is an abomination unto me: the new moons and Sabbaths, the calling of assemblies, I cannot away with; it is iniquity, even the solemn meeting. Your new moons, and your appointed feasts my soul hateth. They are a trouble to me; I am weary to bear them; and when ye spread forth your hands I will hide mine eyes from you. Yea' when ye make many prayers, I will not hear. Your hands are full of blood; cease to do evil, learn to do well; seek judgment; relieve the oppressed; judge for the fatherless; plead for the widow."

The American church is guilty, when viewed in connection with what it is doing to uphold slavery; but it is superlatively guilty when viewed in its connection with its ability to abolish slavery.

The sin of which it is guilty is one of omission as well as of commission. Albert Barnes but uttered what the common sense of every man at all observant of the actual state of the case will receive as truth, when he declared that "There is no power out of the church that could sustain slavery an hour, if it were not sustained in it."

Let the religious press, the pulpit, the Sunday School, the conference meeting, the great ecclesiastical, missionary, Bible and tract associations of the land array their immense powers against slavery, and slave-holding; and the whole system of crime and blood would be scattered to the winds, and that they do not do this involves them in the most awful responsibility of which the mind can conceive.

In prosecuting the anti-slavery enterprise, we have been asked to spare the church, to spare the ministry; but how, we ask, could such a thing be done? We are met on the threshold of our efforts for the redemption of the slave, by the church and ministry of the country, in battle arrayed against us; and we are compelled to fight or flee. From what quarter, I beg to know, has proceeded a fire so deadly upon our ranks, during the last two years, as from the Northern pulpit? As the champions of oppressors, the chosen men of American theology have appeared-men honored for their so-called piety, and their real learning. The Lords of Buffalo, the Springs of New York, the Lathrops of Auburn, the Coxes and Spencers of Brooklyn, the Gannets and Sharps of Boston, the Deweys of Washington, and other great religious lights of the land have, in utter denial of the authority of Him by whom they professed to be called to the ministry, deliberately taught us, against the example of the Hebrews, and against the remonstrance of the Apostles, that we ought to obey man's law before the law of God.2

My spirit wearies of such blasphemy; and how such men can be supported, as the "standing types and representatives of Jesus Christ," is a mystery which I leave others to penetrate. In speaking of the American church, however, let it be distinctly understood that I mean the great mass of the religious organizations of our land. There are exceptions, and I thank God that there are. Noble men may be found, scattered all over these Northern States, of whom Henry Ward Beecher, of Brooklyn; Samuel J. May, of Syracuse; and my esteemed friend (Rev. R. R. Raymond) on the platform, are shining examples; and let me say further, that, upon these men lies the duty to inspire our ranks with high religious faith and zeal, and to cheer us on in the great mission of the slave's redemption from his chains.

One is struck with the difference between the attitude of the American church towards the anti-slavery movement, and that occupied by the churches in Eng land towards a similar movement in that country. There, the church, true to its mission of ameliorating, elevating and improving the condition of mankind, came forward promptly, bound up the wounds of the West Indian slave, and re stored him to his liberty. There, the question of emancipation was a high religious question. It was demanded in the name of humanity, and according to the law of the living God. The Sharps, the Clarksons, the Wilberforces, the Buxtons, the Burchells, and the Knibbs were alike famous for their piety and for their philanthropy. The anti-slavery movement there was not an anti-church movement, for the reason that the church took its full share in prosecuting that movement: and the anti-slavery movement in this country will cease to be an anti-church movement, when the church of this country shall assume a favorable instead of a hostile position towards that movement.

Americans! your republican politics, not less than your republican religion, are flagrantly inconsistent. You boast of your love of liberty, your superior civilization, and your pure Christianity, while the whole political power of the nation (as embodied in the two great political parties) is solemnly pledged to support and perpetuate the enslavement of three millions of your countrymen. You hurl your anathemas at the crowned headed tyrants of Russia and Austria and pride yourselves on your Democratic institutions, while you yourselves consent to be the mere tools and body-guards of the tyrants of Virginia and Carolina. You invite to your shores fugitives of oppression from abroad, honor them with banquets, greet them with ovations, cheer them, toast them, salute them, protect them, and pour out your money to them like water; but the fugitives from oppression in your own land you advertise, hunt, arrest, shoot, and kill. You glory in your refinement and your universal education; yet you maintain a system as barbarous and dreadful as ever stained the character of a nation-a system begun in avarice, supported in pride, and perpetuated in cruelty. You shed tears over fallen Hungary, and make the sad story of her wrongs the theme of your poets, statesmen, and orators, till your gallant sons are ready to fly to arms to vindicate her cause against the oppressor; but, in regard to the ten thousand wrongs of the American slave, you would enforce the strictest silence, and would hail him as an enemy of the nation who dares to make those wrongs the subject of public discourse! You are all on fire at the mention of liberty for France or for Ireland; but are as cold as an iceberg at the thought of liberty for the enslaved of America. You discourse eloquently on the dignity of labor; yet, you sustain a system which, in its very essence, casts a stigma upon labor. You can bare your bosom to the storm of British artillery to throw off a three-penny tax on tea; and yet wring the last hard earned farthing from the grasp of the black laborers of your country. You profess to believe "that, of one blood, God made all nations of men to dwell on the face of all the earth," and hath commanded all men, everywhere, to love one another; yet you notoriously hate (and glory in your hatred) all men whose skins are not colored like your own. You declare before the world, and are understood by the world to declare that you "hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; and are endowed by their Creator with certain in alienable rights; and that among these are, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and yet, you hold securely, in a bondage which, according to your own Thomas Jefferson, "is worse than ages of that which your fathers rose in rebellion to oppose," a seventh part of the inhabitants of your country.

Fellow-citizens, I will not enlarge further on your national inconsistencies. The existence of slavery in this country brands your republicanism as a sham, your humanity as a base pretense, and your Christianity as a lie. It destroys your moral power abroad: it corrupts your politicians at home. It saps the foundation of religion; it makes your name a hissing and a bye-word to a mocking earth. It is the antagonistic force in your government, the only thing that seriously disturbs and endangers your Union. it fetters your progress; it is the enemy of improvement; the deadly foe of education; it fosters pride; it breeds insolence; it promotes vice; it shelters crime; it is a curse to the earth that supports it; and yet you cling to it as if it were the sheet anchor of all your hopes. Oh! be warned! be warned! a horrible reptile is coiled up in your nation's bosom; the venomous creature is nursing at the tender breast of your youthful republic; for the love of God, tear away, and fling from you the hideous monster, and let the weight of twenty millions crush and destroy it forever!

But it is answered in reply to all this, that precisely what I have now denounced is, in fact, guaranteed and sanctioned by the Constitution of the United States; that, the right to hold, and to hunt slaves is a part of that Constitution framed by the illustrious Fathers of this Republic.

Then, I dare to affirm, notwithstanding all I have said before, your fathers stooped, basely stooped

To palter with us in a double sense:
And keep the word of promise to the ear,
But break it to the heart.

And instead of being the honest men I have before declared them to be, they were the veriest impostors that ever practised on mankind. This is the inevitable conclusion, and from it there is no escape; but I differ from those who charge this baseness on the framers of the Constitution of the United States. It is a slander upon their memory, at least, so I believe. There is not time now to argue the constitutional question at length; nor have I the ability to discuss it as it ought to be discussed. The subject has been handled with masterly power by Lysander Spooner, Esq. by William Goodell, by Samuel E. Sewall, Esq., and last, though not least, by Gerrit Smith, Esq. These gentlemen have, as I think, fully and clearly vindicated the Constitution from any design to support slavery for an hour.

Fellow-citizens! there is no matter in respect to which the people of the North have allowed themselves to be so ruinously imposed upon as that of the pro-slavery character of the Constitution. In that instrument I hold there is neither warrant, license, nor sanction of the hateful thing; but interpreted, as it ought to be interpreted, the Constitution is a glorious liberty document. Read its preamble, consider its purposes. Is slavery among them? Is it at the gate way? or is it in the temple? it is neither. While I do not intend to argue this question on the present occasion, let me ask, if it be not somewhat singular that, if the Constitution were intended to be, by its framers and adopters, a slaveholding instrument, why neither slavery, slaveholding, nor slave can any where be found in it. What would be thought of an instrument, drawn up, legally drawn up, for the purpose of entitling the city of Rochester to a tract of land, in which no mention of land was made? Now, there are certain rules of interpretation for the proper understanding of all legal instruments. These rules are well established. They are plain, commonsense rules, such as you and I, and all of us, can understand and apply, without having passed years in the study of law. I scout the idea that the question of the constitutionality, or unconstitutionality of slavery, is not a question for the people. I hold that every American citizen has a right to form an opinion of the constitution, and to propagate that opinion, and to use all honorable means to make his opinion the prevailing one. Without this right, the liberty of an American citizen would be as insecure as that of a Frenchman. Ex-Vice-President Dallas tells us that the constitution is an object to which no American mind can be too attentive, and no American heart too devoted. He further says, the Constitution, in its words, is plain and intelligible, and is meant for the home-bred, unsophisticated understandings of our fellow-citizens. Senator Berrien tells us that the Constitution is the fundamental law, that which controls all others. The charter of our liberties, which every citizen has a personal interest in understanding thoroughly. The testimony of Senator Breese, Lewis Cass, and many others that might be named, who are everywhere esteemed as sound lawyers, so regard the constitution. I take it, therefore, that it is not presumption in a private citizen to form an opinion of that instrument.

Now, take the Constitution according to its plain reading, and I defy the presentation of a single pro-slavery clause in it. On the other hand, it will be found to contain principles and purposes, entirely hostile to the existence of slavery.

I have detained my audience entirely too long already. At some future period I will gladly avail myself of an opportunity to give this subject a full and fair discussion.

Allow me to say, in conclusion, notwithstanding the dark picture I have this day presented, of the state of the nation, I do not despair of this country. There are forces in operation which must inevitably work the downfall of slavery.

"The arm of the Lord is not shortened," and the doom of slavery is certain. I, therefore, leave off where I began, with hope. While drawing encouragement from "the Declaration of Independence," the great principles it contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is also cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age. Nations do not now stand in the same relation to each other that they did ages ago. No nation can now shut itself up from the surrounding world and trot round in the same old path of its fathers without interference. The time was when such could be done. Long established customs of hurtful character could formerly fence themselves in, and do their evil work with social impunity. Knowledge was then confined and enjoyed by the privileged few, and the multitude walked on in mental darkness. But a change has now come over the affairs of mankind. Walled cities and empires have become unfashionable. The arm of commerce has borne away the gates of the strong city. Intelligence is penetrating the darkest corners of the globe. It makes its pathway over and under the sea, as well as on the earth. Wind, steam, and lightning are its chartered agents. Oceans no longer divide, but link nations together. From Boston to London is now a holiday excursion. Space is comparatively annihilated.-Thoughts expressed on one side of the Atlantic are distinctly heard on the other.

The far off and almost fabulous Pacific rolls in grandeur at our feet. The Celestial Empire, the mystery of ages, is being solved. The fiat of the Almighty, "Let there be Light," has not yet spent its force. No abuse, no outrage whether in taste, sport or avarice, can now hide itself from the all-pervading light. The iron shoe, and crippled foot of China must be seen in contrast with nature. Africa must rise and put on her yet unwoven garment. "Ethiopia shall stretch out her hand unto God." In the fervent aspirations of William Lloyd Garrison, I say, and let every heart join in saying it:

God speed the year of jubilee
The wide world o'er!
When from their galling chains set free,
Th' oppress'd shall vilely bend the knee,

And wear the yoke of tyranny
Like brutes no more.
That year will come, and freedom's reign.
To man his plundered rights again
Restore.

God speed the day when human blood
Shall cease to flow!
In every clime be understood,
The claims of human brotherhood,
And each return for evil, good,
Not blow for blow;

That day will come all feuds to end,
And change into a faithful friend
Each foe.

The Helm and Maddux Case; an arrest in Newport, Ky, 1861

2011-11-17T17:51:00.000-05:00

This is from the Covington Journal of November 16, 1861. I have no record of what their remarks were or what ended up happening with this case, but this is the type of event that Civil War made possible, especially in a state like Kentucky, where loyalties were so divided. I am surprised, however, that they took him to court in Cincinnati, even though it was (and is) the largest nearby city.

The Helm and Maddux Case
Some weeks since Messrs. Hub. Helm and Robert Maddux were arrested in Newport by a U.S. Deputy Marshal on a charge of uttering treasonable words. The prisoners were taken across the river to Cincinnati, were (sic) the case was brought before Judge Leavitt, of the U.S. circuit Court, on habeas corpus, but no decision was had at that time. On Monday last Judge Leavitt gave his decision, an abstract of which was given by the Cincinnati Times, as follows:

The points involved were as follows: 1st. Was it a military or civil arrest? The return showed that the arrest was first made by the civil authorities, no military power having been engaged, except under civil control. 2d. At the time the habeas corpus was issued the parties had not been placed beyond the civil power. 3d. In this view, the arrest was illegal, because not made under a warrant. If the arrest had been made by the military authorities, affairs would present themselves to the Court in a different light. Consequently, the matter s not before the Court as a military arrest.

The Court held that nothing but the most extraordinary circumstances could justify military arrests. Yet such arrests were in the province of the Chief Executive of the Government, and he did not believe that the Court should interfere with it. There, nevertheless, was a charge of serious character against these prisoners, yet the crime committed was not committed within the jurisdiction of the Court. He held it to be the duty of the Court to transfer the accused to the authorities of Kentucky, the State where the crime is stated to have been committed.

The Court further held, that, as the accused had made use of very improper language, it should assume the power of requiring from the persons security in the sum of $2,000, for their loyalty to the Government of the United States.

In accordance with the decision of Judge Leavitt, Messrs. Helm and Maddux were on Wednesday last transferred to Kentucky, and placed in the custody of U.S. Deputy Marshal Allnutt, in Covington. We believe it was the intention of Mr. Allnutt to take the prisoners to Frankfort. He had, however, no sooner got them in his hands than a sergeant, backed by a file of soldiers from the Newport Barracks, presented an order for them from Col. Jones, commanding at the Cincinnati Barracks.

Mr. Helm once submitted. Mr. Maddux said he would not be taken by the soldiers, and drawing a bowie-knife, for a time openly defied them. Finally he was cornered in the Madison House, and after some thrusts, on one side with bayonets and on the other with the bowie-knife, resulting in no serious injury, he was forcibly seized, and taken across the river to Cincinnati. The milltary (sic) power triumphed. It is proper to add that Mr. Maddux repeatedly proclaimed his willingness to go in the custody of a civil officer.

Is that Mother?

2011-11-13T16:56:00.000-05:00

From The Civil War in Song and Story 1860-1865, collected and arranged by Frank Moore page 66

Is that mother bending o'er me
As she sang my cradle hymn -
Knelling there in tears before me?
Say? - my sight is growing dim.

Comes she from the old home lowly,
Out among the northern hills,
Tis her pet boy dying slowly
Of war's battle wounds and ills?

Mother! O, we bravely battled -
Battled till the day was done;'
While the leaden hail storm r1ttled-
Man to man and gun to gun.

But we failed - and I'm dying -
Dying in my boyhood's years,
There - no weeping - self- denying,
Noble deaths demand no tears.

Fold your arms again around me;
Press again my aching head;
Sing the lullaby you sung me -
Kiss me, mother, ere I'm dead

Book Review: March: A Novel

2011-11-10T18:20:00.000-05:00

March: A Novel

by Geraldine Brooks

Viking

I readily admit I am not really a fan of fiction, even historical fiction, but I read this book as part of a Civil War discussion group at a local library.

The author chose as the main character the father from Louisa May Alcott's Little Women, a book I have heard about but never read. I personally wonder why an author would use another author's character, even one that apparently had not been deeply developed in the original work, instead of coming up with his or her own subjects, but perhaps that is due to my lack of experience in this genre. She used aspects of the life of Alcott's father to help flesh out the character of Mr. March.

With my lack of reading fiction in recent years, I also do not really know how to review such work, but will give a few words here.

I thought this was a decent book - not great, but not bad. There were times when I got into it quite deeply and did not want to put it down.

The story is told from the perspective of Mr. March, almost auto-biographically, except for a section at the end told from h is wife's view. It goes back and forth from experiences he had prior to the Civil War, to the War itself for most of the book, until the ending, which describes his return home.

The author does appear to have done a lot of research on the scenes from the war as well as the homefront, which is something I may not appreciate enough about writers of fiction.

I found it interesting that she touched on the current hot-button topic of "black Confederate soldiers" in a way, describing the sons of a freedman voluntarily serving the Confederacy with their masters, and even taking part, apparently very happily, in a raid on the land where the freedmen were raising cotton. She never uses terms such as "black Confederate soldiers" but the descriptions of their attitudes make it seem like they were willingly serving the Confederate cause and behaving like soldiers (though these characters were kind of a side-plot and she did not describe how they behaved outside of the chapter about their raid.)

March also explores the relationship between Mr. March and a slave woman named Grace, whom some in my discussion group said represented Louisa May Alcott, at least partially. It describes March's life, his experiences with a slave owner and slavery, as well as his feelings of seeing Grace whipped after he had attempted to teach another young slave girl to read. March was an abolitionist and even an idealist, but had to adapt to a reality - both in the scene of the whipping and later during his work on the land where the freedmen raised cotton - that was not always ideal. His struggles to match his ideals and what was really happening make up much of the story.

Again, I thought this was a fairly decent read. It was a book from the library and is not something I will purchase for my own collection, but I am somewhat glad I went out of my own comfort zone to read this style of writing and to see that historical fiction is not simply an author making up anything and everything to fit his or her own whims - or at least it does not have to be so.

I still greatly prefer non-fiction but am now less certain about my stance on fiction. Perhaps it has more importance and can be more informative than I had realized, especially in the area of historical memory and perception. This may be something I ponder more often now, thanks to my reading of this book.

Scott Sarich of TotalGettysburg.com Interviews Me

2011-11-08T18:41:00.001-05:00

Yes, someone actually interviewed me.

There are no earth-shattering revelations in the article, and much of that information can be found on various pages of this blog, though not so organized, but it was a pleasure and honor to have Scott Sarich give me this opportunity. I hope readers will check it out and enjoy it.

Once done with it, please explore his site, www.totalgettysburg.com and check it out. It has a lot of information, past and present, about Gettysburg, as well as several other interviews with bloggers and Civil War enthusiasts.

Thanks again to Scott for allowing me this enjoyable experience. I hope

Perryville Hike Thoughts and Pictures

2011-11-06T15:28:00.000-05:00

As I mentioned previously, I really enjoyed my trip to Perryville. It is a beautiful spot and I again thank Darryl Smith of Ohio at Perryville for leading the hike and providing such an outstanding tour of the sites we visited. His knowledge of the battle, the units involved and their movements, how they interacted and how the topography of the land affected them is top-notch and he did a fantastic job of telling the story of the battle in an understandable and informative way. If anybody gets the chance to participate in one of his future hikes, I gladly recommend it and hope to be there again myself. I also hope readers may consider donating to the Civil War Trust's efforts to purchase 141 more acres of this battlefield.

I had never been to Perryville this late in the year, or so early in the morning. (I arrived about 9:15, the day before time "fell back") Seeing the ground and area covered in frost was a new experience for me and it was beautiful, especially in the very bright early-morning sunshine. I'm not sure these do justice to the view I saw while standing there, but I am posting some of the pictures I took. (To see all of the 150+ pictures I took, please see my photobucket album. I have not added descriptions to the pictures. I did take a lot of shots of cannon and fences, but plenty of the ground itself too.)

I wish I could have captured the whole feeling I experienced when I got there - the birds singing and chirping, including a few "bob-whites," a dog barking somewhere in the distance, its bark echoing in the hills, the sound of dew dropping from leaf to leaf on a big sycamore tree, or the occasional brown, broad leaf floating in the wind while falling from that same tree. I cannot imagine nature producing many more ideal, serene and peaceful scenes than it did yesterday morning. That this all occurred over what had been the scene of such fighting and killing was something I did not realize or appreciate at the time, but now think about in wonder of that irony. I was truly blessed to experience such a fine morning.

Leaves falling from Sycamore tree

One point I had not considered before, but that Darryl mentioned was that the topography of the battlefield could be confusing. Many who have read about Perryville have read about the "acoustic shadow" that supposedly kept Union General Don Carlos Buell from hearing the sounds of the fighting, but the visuals could cause some uncertainty too. In the below photo, the group of trees on the right is actually on a third ridge (picture taken from the first ridge.) There are another ridge and valley in between where I took the picture and those trees. This caused the Confederates some confusing in figuring out how to aim their guns. I'm sorry I did not take a better picture of it, but I guess I got too cute with getting the leaves in the foreground.

Here is a picture of the Bottom house, perhaps the most well-known part of the battlefield, even though the house and land around remain on private property, not part of the state park.

Below are a few scenes that I liked.

A cannon and fences in the same picture - I could not resist.


Parson's Ridge (Open Knob) at the top of the hill


Doctor's Creek - soldiers wished it was this full of water 149 years ago

It was a beautiful day

On the above photograph, you can see a hill in the immediate foreground, then another one in front of it, and a few more in the distance. This is an example of "rolling hills, " a phrase that is much easier to understand when you see (and walk) such hills.


Yet another hill to climb

I'm not sure there is any way to explain the many ridges on this battlefield. Even the pictures cannot really do it justice - you have to walk it and see it for yourself. The hill in that final picture was much steeper and longer than it appears in the image (and came just after we had climbed up a previous long hill, away from the creek.) The next-to-last photo sort of shows how it goes -hill, valley, hill, valley, etc. on and on. Some of the hills, as in the bottom photo, were bigger than in this scene. Multiple times during the battle, the Confederates would chase Union forces off one hill, only to get to the top of that ridge and see the Federals reforming on yet another ridge-line in the distance. Rinse, lather, repeat.


Picture of the hikers, with Darryl Smith on the far left, leading the group

What a wonderful day and hike this was. I enjoyed it tremendously and hope to make a return trip to this hallowed ground again next year. I strongly encourage others to do the same.

Super, sensational. scintillating

2011-11-05T18:48:00.000-04:00

Sorry for the Dick Vitale impression there, though college basketball is just starting, but I wanted to mention what a wonderful time I had at Perryville today, thanks to Darryl Smith of the Ohio at Perryville blog. He led an excellent tour and the entire park is just beautiful. Thankfully, the weather was gorgeous also.

I took a bunch of pictures and will post some of them and more thoughts about this day sometime soon.

He will be doing something like this again next spring. I HIGHLY recommend anyone close enough to Perryille to attend do so.

Brief mention of a Civil War Steam Gun

2011-11-04T20:46:00.001-04:00

Covington Journal November 2, 1861

A steam gun, constructed on a new principle, is in course of manufacture at the gun shops of the Illinois Central Railroad. Several of the more prominent men of Chicago are interested in it, and it is believed by them to be the most terrific instrument of war yet invented. It is to be ready for trial in about a week.

Here are a couple of articles about something that may have been similar to what this story described.

Harper's Weekly

http://strangengines.wordpress.com/tag/civil-war-steam-gun/

Kentucky State Senator in New York

2011-11-03T18:26:00.000-04:00

The Covington Journal of November 2, 1861 reprinted this article from the New York World

A KENTUCKY STATE SENATOR AT THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE - An informal reception of Hon. Nathaniel Wolfe, a State Senator of Kentucky, was held by the Chamber of Commerce at their rooms yesterday afternoon. Many of the leading members were present, Mr. Wolfe spoke freely of the troubles in Kentucky, and stated his belief that on a fair vote now Kentucky was still, as ever, for the Union; but he feared that unless some Constitutional guarantee was given for the protection of slavery in the State from interference from Congress, she would be drawn into the vortex of Secession. He did not think slavery was likely to die out there soon.

Kentucky was unfortunate in her present Governor, but the Legislature was firm. When the Secessionists had demanded that the Federal troops be withdrawn from the State before they themselves left, the Legislature said they would die in their seats before they would make that compromise. Fremont's proclamation had a terrible and stunning affect in Kentucky, and would have lost the State but for Mr. Lincoln's modification at the request of the Kentucky Legislature.


Location of Wolfe County, named for Nathaniel Wolfe

Scarcity of Moral and Religious Soldiers

2011-11-02T16:23:00.000-04:00

Covington Journal November 2, 1861

Scarcity of Moral and Religious Soldiers
There is a fine field for missionary service in the State of Indiana, judging from the fact that some time since authority was given Rev. Col. J.L. Smith to raise a regiment of "moral and religious men" for the war. He was not confined to any Congressional or particular locality but had a carte blanche to canvas the whole state. After struggling for five weeks Col. Smith has been ordered to abandon the undertaking. He succeeded in getting twenty-three captains, thirteen more than were needed, of the proper qualifications, but the "moral and religious men" did not fall into line in sufficient number to form a respectable guard.

John Singleton Mosby on college football

2011-10-29T10:30:00.000-04:00

courtesy sonofthesouth.net

I recently reviewed Gray Ghost by Dr. James Ramage, but did not mention one brief but fascinating section it included.

On pages 329 and 330, the book describes Mosby's protestation against the sport of college football after a young man playing for the University of Virginia (which Mosby had attended) was killed in a game. Mosby wrote letters asking the school to stop participating in this brutal sport and Dr. Ramage contends: "To him this was a continuation of his lifetime conflict with bullies and bruisers" where bigger kids or men picked on smaller individuals, and this also symbolized his overall dislike of sports.

courtesy Americanart.si.edu

The above image is a Harper's Weekly illustration by Homer Winslow, from the July 15, 1865 issue. I thank the Front Line blog at CivilWarMonitor.com for printing it, which brought it to my attention just as a I was working on this entry. It is not from the same period as the one in which Mosby complained about the game, but it does show a very violent version of the game, perhaps at least somewhat similar to what the Colonel witnessed 40 years later.

Dr. Ramage further writes: "He compared football to cock-fighting and charged that the teams were 'largely composed of professional mercenaries who are hired to advertise colleges. Gate money is the valuable consideration. There is no sentiment of Romance or Chivalry about them.'"

That final quote from Mosby remains somewhat appropriate today, especially if you substitute words like "television" for "gate" and "student" for "Romance or Chivalry" and perhaps more so in college basketball where the "one-and-done" rule does give the sport more of a mercenary feel.

Of course, I am a sports fan and really enjoy college football and basketball, but I can see some truth in his statements, even (or maybe especially) in today's era. College sports are now a very large industry of their own, at least for many (or most) schools at the "division I" level. The logo of the "Bowl Championship Series" posted below may be the ultimate example of that, with tens of millions of dollars at stake for schools and conferences.

The current epidemic of stories about teams changing conferences in order to maximize their revenues further illustrates that point. With the reported involvement of U.S. Senators, including Kentucky's Mitch McConnell, in the Big 12 Conference's decision about expanding its horizons, the business aspects of college sports is becoming even more obvious.

Ironically, one of Mosby's employers and friends, Theodore Roosevelt, helped change college football, offering advice which addressed some of Mosby's concerns about the sport's violence, and which may have helped the sport survive and thrive even a century later.

A Cheap Shot at Kentuckians?

2011-10-27T18:00:00.000-04:00

Edit: I wonder if he was thinking of transcendentalism as a "New England" phenomenon and was surprised somebody in the then "western" state of Kentucky would pay attention to it. If so, it's still a poorly worded sentence in my opinion.

So I'm reading a book now, a pretty good one about which I had heard a lot of good reports. So far, they are basically proving to be true and I am anxious to continue reading it and seeing what it has to say. It has been both interesting and quite informative to this point, and I am enjoying it. I'm sure I'll post a review of it sometime in the next few weeks.

However on one page, it briefly discussed William Herndon and included the following sentence, which immediately caught my attention, and honestly, even angered me, at least a bit:

"Although born in Kentucky, the short, dapper Herndon read widely and was enamored of transcendentalism."

Harrumph.

Did the author really just say that Herndon read a lot and had intellectual pursuits "although (he was) born in Kentucky?" Really?

Geez.

I know this is not a big deal and that modern-day Kentucky is not the literacy capital of the world, but, still, that seems harsh, especially for a state that, as far as I can tell, was far more respected and important to the country in Herndon's day - the period to which the quote applied - than today. This was still the state of Henry Clay and John Crittenden, not to mention Vice-President John Breckenridge, after all.

Oh well. That sentence did catch me off-guard. I feel it could and should have been written differently, but I do hope the author did not realize how I (or maybe other Kentuckians) would interpret it. Maybe I just needed something to gripe about tonight, and that line certainly gave me the material I needed.

A Sign of Trouble to Come

2011-10-26T16:07:00.000-04:00

This brief untitled story is from the Covington Journal of October 26, 1861 and is a precursor of a major controversy that would become a much-discussed international incident a couple of weeks later. I wonder if anybody who read this paper when it was published realized what this might mean.

The Federal Government has dispatched the gun-boats Connecticut, Alabama and Augusta to intercept the steamer Nashville, which it is said run (sic) the blockade at Charleston, with Messrs. Slidell and Mason on board. Meanwhile the Richmond Enquirer asserts positively that the Nashville has not left the harbor of Charleston.
--
Of course, Slidell and Mason ended up using another steamer (the Theodora) to get past the blockade and had left Charleston on October 12, two weeks before this piece was published. (The Journal was a weekly newspaper, so printing some stories late was a natural effect of that schedule.) The Theodora took the Confederate diplomats to Cuba, where they boarded the Trent and soon became part of controversy and history.

Here is a timeline on what became known as the Trent Affair.

Here is a good blog entry from the Civil War Navy Sesquicentennial blog about this incident, including the report from Union Captain Charles Wilkes about his actions.


James M Mason, courtsey docsouth.unc.edu

John Slidell, courtesy civilwarhome.com

Report of the Battle of Camp Wild Cat

2011-10-24T18:21:00.001-04:00

Courtesy Civilwarwiki.net

The Covington Journal of October 26, 1861 includes this story about the Battle of Camp Wild Cat in Laurel County, Kentucky. It is a reprint of an article from the October 23 Lexington Observer.

Information about Colonel, later Brigadier General, Theophilius T. Garrard. can be found at the enclosed link.

Here is also a brief biography on Confederate General Felix Zollicofer, leader of Confederate troops in the region.

FIRST KENTUCKY BATTLE
Zollicofer with 7,500 Rebels Twice Repulsed
On Monday last, at 11 o'clock, the rebel troops, under command of Gen. Zollicofer, 6,000 infantry and 1,500 cavarly, attacked Col. Garrard at Camp Wild Cat, in Laurel County, and were twice severely repulsed.

Col. Garrard's loss was four killed and twenty-one wounded. The loss of the rebels could not be ascertained. Garrard's forces consisted of his own (KY) regiment, and 33d Indiana, under Col. Colburn, and a portion of Woodruff's Kentucky Cavalry. Zollicofer twice attacked Garrard's entrenched position and each time was repulsed, it is supposed with considerable loss. The messenger from Camp Wild Cat reached Camp Dick Robinson at 4 o'clock yesterday morning with news of the fight.

Garrard's re-enforcements, the Ohio 14th, Col. Steadman, the Ohio 17th, Col. Connell, 1,600 Tennesseans and one battery reached Camp Wild Cat just as the engagement closed.

These re-enforcements were met by the first messenger who left Camp Wild Cat going at double-quick for the scene of the action.

The following is from the Commonwealth of the 23rd:

Battle in the Mountains
News came by the train from Lexington last evening that Garrard's and Zollicofer's forces had had a battle and Zollicofer had been twice repulsed when the messenger left. The news was brought by an Indiana soldier who was wounded in the arm when on picket duty. He said that when he left there was heavy firing of cannon and it was the belief that a general engagement was going on.

The following is from the Frankfort Yeoman Thursday October 24.

The latest intelligence we have from the mountains contradicts the report of an attack upon Camp Wild Cat. Our informant states that there has been several skirmishes, but no general engagement.
---

In this instance, the report from Frankfort was incorrect, as there had been a battle on the 21st, with Union forces maintaining control of the field. Combined casualties were fewer than one hundred. Here is a report Colonel Garrard made to General George Thomas on October 25.

The Cow Bell Dodge

2011-10-23T09:33:00.000-04:00

courtesy amazon.com

From the Covington Journal of October 26, 1861 comes this story of a different sort of Confederate tactic.

The Rebels on the Potomac have resorted to an ingenious way of luring our men into snares. It is known, says the Lafayette Courier as the "cow-bell dodge." and it was very successful for a time, especially with newly arrived regiments, companies of which were placed on picket duty for the first time. The rebels, approaching within thirty or forty rods of our outposts and concealing themselves in the woods, commence the irregular tinkle of a cow bell. The uninitiated picket, not suspecting the ruse, and not reconciled to drinking his coffee without milk, goes out to obtain a supply from the supposed cow of some supposed Virginia rebel, flattering himself that he has got a "big thing on Secesh." Not until he finds himself surrounded by a half-dozen or so armed rebels does he learn his mistake. In Richmond are nearly a dozen soldiers who are probably now regretting their ready credulity and appetite for milk.
--
It reminded me of this story that I had posted a few months ago.

Book Review: Faces of the Confederacy

2011-10-20T11:04:00.000-04:00

Faces of the Confederacy: An Album of Southern Soldiers and Their Stories

by Ronald S. Coddington, forward by Michael Fellman

The carte-de-visite was a popular form of photography during the Civil War era and Ronald Coddington takes advantage of it in this volume, the follow up to his Faces of the Civil War: An Album of Union Soldiers and Their Stories (which I have not yet read.)

He searched various collections, of private individuals and public institutions to find these CDVs. His criteria included the condition of the card as well as it having the identification of the soldier pictured on it. He then researched the lives of these dozens of men and put together brief biographies of their lives, in and out of the war.

This is a very fine and enjoyable compilation. Putting names to these old pictures gives them extra meaning and the information he uncovered about each was a great addition, almost bringing these men back to life again.

Mr. Coddington, who also publishes the blog Faces of War, did not simply find pictures of the most famous Confederate soldiers he could find and repeat information familiar to many Civil War enthusiasts; he specifically chose to focus on soldiers below the rank of colonel, i.e. the rank and file of the army, most of whose names are unknown to all but a select few. This makes the book even more valuable, providing insights into the typical soldiers who did not benefit from the privileges of holding a high rank - these were the men who carried out orders, who marched from battlefield to battlefield and who slept in tents and on the ground, whether wet or dry, hot or cold.

I really enjoyed this book. It is well-written and moves quickly from one portrait to the next. It is a very fine volume and I do now want to get its precursor and read about the "common" Union soldiers Mr. Coddington profiled.

It is organized chronologically, based on the event that he describes for each soldier, from the start of the war to the end, and the preface, endnotes and references all are beneficial to this book, especially the endnotes, many of which include interesting further tidbits about these men.

Faces of the Confederacy is an informative, enjoyable look at some of the "common soldiers" of the Confederacy, putting names with faces, and faces with their lives. It not only preserves the memory of these specific individuals, but also shows the human side of the war and the impact it had on these men and their families. It is a fine book and I do recommend it to anyone interested in the Civil War.

A Bit of Humor 1861-style

2011-10-19T21:36:00.002-04:00

From an 1861 newspaper

"A negro, on being examined, was asked if his master was a Christian. 'No sir, he is a politician,' was the reply."

Or perhaps that was just some old-fashioned social commentary. :)

US Colored Troops to be Honored in Western Kentucky

2011-10-18T20:13:00.001-04:00

See this link about a historical marker to be unveiled on October 22.

A tip o' the hat to Jimmy Price for "tweeting" this information earlier tonight

This unit formed in Paducah in late 1864 and spent the remainder of the war in the region. It mustered out of service in February 1866.

Here is a link that includes a roster of the soldiers that were part of this unit.

A New Word Enters the American Lexicon

2011-10-16T13:16:00.005-04:00

From the Covington Journal of October 19, 1861 comes this piece on a word that is still used today

"Shoddy" - Since the charges, so extensively circulated against a portion of our army clothing contractors, of making the soldiers uniforms of shoddy, the word has passed into general use, and has become a synonym for everything that is false. Logwood brandy, a counterfeit note, an untrue statement, a young man who deceives a girl with false promises - are all designated by the expressive term "shoddy." Though the term is applied to everything unreal, the article has an actual existence, and many persons are engaged in its manufacture. Woolen rags are $5 and $10 per ton for making shoddy cloth. Fine black scraps are worth $100 to $150 per ton. The shoddy manufacturer passes them through a rag machine, which tears the rag to wool and cleans it of dust. When reduced to soft wool, the shoddy is saturated with oil or milk and mixed with new wool in as large proportion as possible. White shoddy is used in blankets and light colored goods, and the dark description for coarse cloth, carpets &c. The shoddy is the product of soft woolens; but the hard or black cloths, when treated in a similar manner, produce "mungo," which is used extensively in superfine cloths, which have a finish that may deceive a good judge. It is used largely in felted fabrics. Shoddy in the cloth of a coat will soon rub out of the cloth and accumulate between it and the lining.

Despondent Reporter

2011-10-14T18:06:00.001-04:00

This story is interesting. It shows how confident the writer is in the southern cause, yet expresses disappointment over what he perceives as a lack of aggression on the part of southern leaders, as the year neared its conclusion. It seems like a rather exaggerated description on the mood at the time, but it is also likely that he was not alone in feeling at least some disappointment.

The Covington Journal of October 19, 1861 reports:

A correspondent of the Richmond Dispatch is manifestly dissatisfied with the aspect of affairs on the South side of the Potomac. He says:

"The most dispiriting news which has ever reached our camp, is, that we may probably go into winter quarters on this side of the Potomac - than which nothing could be more disappointing and dissatisfactory to the Southern soldiers, with the unmurmering patience with which they have endured the diseases which have decimated their numbers, and all the privations and wants of a first campaign; and now that a benign Providence has rebuked the disease, and health and vigor again returned to our ranks, they cannot appreciate the policy which would keep 250,000 Southern men - a number sufficient to do almost everything - inclosed in ice and snow five or six months, to defend Virginia alone."


Example of the Dispatch, courtesy http://www.lib.unc.edu/blogs/civilwar/

Musings on a Small Piece of Lead

2011-10-12T10:30:00.000-04:00

The following consists of some "stream-of-consciousness" thoughts that went through my mind recently.I did edit it a little bit for some clarity in places, but it remains true to the basic thoughts I had that evening.

This small minie ball, just under 1 inch in length and 1 ounce in weight certainly does not look like much - a small piece of metal, deformed by contact with a rock, tree, log or some other such object. Perhaps just the ground caused it to change from its former caliber. Was it a .58 or a .577 or something else? I do not know, cannot know.

It is not pretty, nor beautiful, nor does it inspire any words of poetry or an ode to some magnificence. In fact, it appears rather ugly and dirty and it makes one wonder why anybody would want to keep such an item. Just an old, beat up piece of dirty, ill-shapen lead.

On the other hand, when I hold it, look at it, look at it closely and think about why its shape changed, why it looks as it does and how that deformation came about I start to realize one thing - in all probability this little piece of lead was used to try to kill another human being.

To kill another human being.

Now, I realize that it is conceivable this was used in target practice, or for hunting or maybe who knows how many other reasons, but even if so, the others I have and hold and gaze at - well, how many of them were used in battle? Or maybe in a military execution? Or some raid or surprise attack?

A small, unattractive, seemingly innocent hunk of lead, yet it may have been used to try to kill another human. And now I sit here, holding it in my hand, looking over its rough edges from where pieces are missing or bent as though it were a simple rock or a stick or a dirt clod, treating it as something worthy of preserving and something I'm happy to own.

How should I feel? Should I even think about it like that? After all, tens, or hundreds, of thousands of such relics exist today, in the hands of collectors, sellers, museums or others interested in the Civil War. Mine is hardly the only "minie" that may have been an intended killer. After all, it was war, and as the cliche goes, "war means fighting and fighting means killing." These were not invented, patented and manufactured to be mementos on a bookshelf or relics in a display case, after all.

What are the implications of owning something like this? Of holding it? Of thinking about it in this way? Of thinking of the many that lost their arms, legs, lives due to bits of lead just like mine? Are there any implications? Does it matter?

Am I giving too much thought to this relatively tiny, misshapen object? Are all my questions just a waste of time and thought?

Despite these doubts, these questions, I cannot help but realize - this is not "just a piece of lead." It is a bullet - a used bullet, apparently fired from a gun, likely for the sole purpose of killing or maiming another man. And now I hold it and think and look and wonder in the peace and quiet and comfort of my home. I find myself pausing, pondering...

Just a small piece of lead?

picture courtesy Library of Congress and, perhaps, small pieces of lead

Escaped slave tries to enlist

2011-10-11T10:12:00.000-04:00

From the Covington Journal of October 12, 1861 comes this brief story

While the train containing the Ohio Second Regiment stopped at Cynthiana, in the night, a man came aboard and desired to enlist, and was brought to our place. He was discovered next day to be a negro man with a red head, and was arrested, by order of Col. Harris and lodged in our jail. He belongs to a gentleman in Cynthiana.
[Paris Citizen]

Colonel Harris appears to be Leonard A. Harris. If the owner of this man claimed loyalty to the Union, the refugee was likely returned to him instead of being accepted as "contraband."

Brigadier General James S. Jackson, casualty at Perryville

2011-10-09T14:00:00.008-04:00

courtesy westernkyhistory.org

James S. Jackson was born in central Kentucky in 1823 and studied briefly at Centre College in Danville, Kentucky before transferring to Jefferson College in Pennsylvania. He eventually returned to his native state and graduated from the law college at Transylvania University in Lexington. He took up the practice of law.

He served as a private in the Mexican War and was promoted to third lieutenant. He eventually resigned after participating in a duel, choosing to avoid the possibility of being dismissed by court martial.

He was elected to Congress, as a Unionist in 1859 or 1860, but he resigned his office in December 1861 to enter the army. He was chosen as a colonel of Kentucky cavalry and in mid-1862 became a Brigadier General of volunteers. After helping with the organization of forces around Louisville, he assumed command of an entire division of troops, men he would lead in what became the battle of Perryville, the largest Civil War engagement in Kentucky.

According to a link on Centre's website (here) the New York Times described Jackson as "brusque and overbearing. . . a party to numerous quarrels,which sometimes resulted in duels, " which may have been a reference to the incident in Mexico.This paper also accused him of having killed a man in a street fight when he was in Hopkinsville, in western Kentucky.

In early October 1862, Confederate General Braxton Bragg's invasion of Kentucky was in full force, and Union General Don Carlos Buell, barely retaining his command after Union officials tried to remove him, was leading his army combat this invasion.

It was a hot, dry summer, and the search for water was part of each army's daily activities. This search helped lead both to the area around the Chaplin River in Boyle County, and forces from each side soon collided with each other, leading to the battle on the hills of this region, near the town of Perryville.

The fighting was fierce, and both sides suffered many casualties. On October 8, Jackson was with a section of his men on the Open Knob, now knows as Parson's Ridge, on the left of the Union line, when Confederate forces approached. The Union men, defending the battery of Charles Parsons, tried to maintain their position, but Jackson was killed fairly soon, and these troops, now led by Brigadier General William Rufus Terrill retreated. They eventually found support and were able to stall the Confederate advance until nightfall came. (Terrill would also be killed during this action)

At the end of the day, the Confederates had gained ground and inflicted about 4,211 casualties on the Union forces, while suffering approximately 3,396 of their own (numbers taken from the article The Battle of Perryville by Thomas L. Breiner at http://www.battleofperryville.com/). Bragg, however, realized that the Union forces in the area greatly outnumbered his own, so he ordered a retreat, leaving the field in Union hands, so Perryville is generally considered a Union victory since Union forces held the battlefield after the fighting ended.

Marker on the Open Knob on Perryville Battlefield (author's photo)

Path to positions Jackson's men held when he was killed (author's photo)

Sources
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_S._Jackson

http://www.bryansbush.com/hub.php?page=articles&layer=a0609

http://www.battleofperryville.com/

http://www.centre.edu/web/library/sc/special/perryville/jackson.htm

http://www.westernkyhistory.org/christian/military/federal.html

http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=5894202

Patriotic Cover: Uncle Sam Goes Fishing

2011-10-06T21:40:00.000-04:00

Here is an interesting patriotic cover, which is a bit busier and more detailed than most I've seen (though granted that number is not a large one.) This link provides a larger version that may help you see the details better.

This illustration shows Uncle Sam on a picnic sitting on a bank, with a picnic basket marked "Union" next to him. Both appear to be sitting on a United States flag.

Uncle Sam is saying" Here's the bait" as he holds a fishing pole out over the water, with the United States flag apparently serving as a floater and a cannon in the water as the hook. In the background the sun is setting, with the words "Our Union" among the suns rays.

In the water, entitled "Secession Pond," await a few fish and other water creatures. The one at the top, halfway in and halfway out is Kentucky. This may be a symbol of Kentucky's attempt at neutrality - not fully in the secession waters, but not all out of it either.

Swimming deeper are fish called "NC" (at the far right), then "LA" just left and below of NC. "SC", which seems to be in the shape of a puffer-type of fish (is this a reference to South Carolina's reputation as the "fire-eater" and most aggressive of the southern states?) is the one in front of the cannon, while immediately below it sits "Texas" in the shape of a snake or eel.

The large one below the cannon is "VA."

Another eel-like creature lies on the ground below Uncle Sam's feet, and is known as "Maryland."

On the bottom of the picture, on the land, is a longer snake-like creature, called "Secession" and below its open mouth are the words "out of breath."

The only other text on the envelope states "Copy Right Secured by BERLIN & JONES 134 William St N.Y.' No copyright date is apparent.

I honestly am not sure how to interpret this one, though it obviously is a pro-Union, anti-secession piece. On one hand, it looks like it is saying the sun is setting on secession, and the beached serpent appears to show that secession is dying.

On the other hand, why is Kentucky pictured halfway in the water? If this was late in the war the Confederacy was nearing defeat, Kentucky had already abandoned neutrality. Then again, maybe this was a very optimistic early-war scene and the artist thought that secession was not going to last very long.

I also refuse to deny the possibility that this cover has some obvious meaning that I'm totally missing.

Whatever its meaning may or may not be, this is still an interesting image with great detail in it.

Kentucky Civil War Heritage Trails Sites Announcement

2011-10-05T18:06:00.000-04:00

Here is some information I received from the Kentucky Historical Society. It looks like a really nice website. I'll be exploring it quite frequently, I do believe.

Department of Travel and Tourism
Ky. Civil War Heritage Trails Sites Announced

Press Release Date: Monday, October 03, 2011
Contact Information: Kimberly Clay
502-564-4930

As the nation observes the 150th anniversary of the Civil War, a new state program to link Civil War sites throughout Kentucky will help visitors and residents understand how the conflict shaped a state torn by the war.

The Kentucky Civil War Heritage Trails program was unveiled last weekend at the 149th anniversary of the Battle of Perryville. Besides battlefields and other war sites, the program includes a new website, www.kentuckycivilwartrails.org, which features maps, a monthly listing of commemorative events and a blog providing interpretive information.

“The trails initially include more than 50 sites that are ready to receive visitors, have historical interpretation and are near to major routes for both in-state and out-of-state travelers,” said Tourism, Arts and Heritage Secretary Marcheta Sparrow. “More sites will be added to the trails as they meet these criteria.”

Rather than running in one continuous route, the trails provide clusters of sites that can be visited conveniently in various regions of the Commonwealth, said Kimberly Clay, cultural heritage tourism director with the Department of Travel and Tourism.

“We believe the trails will attract visitors from outside the state who aren’t necessarily Civil War buffs, but who want to learn more about what happened here,” said Clay, who has worked with officials from the Kentucky Historical Society, Heritage Council and the Transportation Cabinet to coordinate the project.

The initial sites include:

1. Abraham Lincoln Birthplace National Historical Park (Hodgenville)
2. Abraham Lincoln Boyhood Home at Knob Creek (Hodgenville)
3. Ashland, The Henry Clay Estate (Lexington)
4. Battle of Ivy Mountain (Prestonsburg)
5. Battle of Richmond (Richmond)
6. Battle of Sacramento (Calhoun)
7. Battles of Cynthiana (Cynthiana)
8. Camp Nelson (Nicholasville)
9. Cave Hill Cemetery (Louisville)
10. Civil War Fort at Boonesboro (Winchester)
11. Columbus-Belmont State Park (Columbus)
12. Cumberland Gap National Historical Park (Middlesboro)
13. Farmington Historic Plantation (Louisville)
14. Fort Duffield (West Point)
15. Fort Heiman (Calloway County)
16. Fort Hill (Frankfort)
17. Fort Smith (Smithland)
18. Frankfort Cemetery
19. Frazier International History Museum (Louisville)
20. Freedoms Underground Railroad Museum (Maysville)(Covington)
21. Green Hill Cemetery (Frankfort)
22. Hardin County History Museum (Elizabethtown)
23. Hunt-Morgan House (Lexington)
24. James A. Ramage Civil War Museum/Battery Hooper (Fort Wright)
25. Jefferson Davis Birthplace State Historic Site (Fairview)
26. Lexington Cemetery
27. Lexington History Museum - statues at old courthouse
28. Lincoln Homestead State Park (Springfield)
29. Lincoln Memorial at Waterfront Park (Louisville)
30. Lincoln Museum (Hodgenville)
31. Lincoln Statue in downtown Springfield
32. Lincoln statues in downtown Hodgenville
33. Lloyd Tilghman House and Civil War Museum (Paducah)
34. Mammoth Cave (Cave City)
35. Mary Todd Lincoln House (Lexington)
36. Middle Creek Battlefield (Prestonsburg)
37. Mill Springs Battlefield (Nancy/Somerset)
38. Munfordville Battlefield and Rowlett’s Station (Munfordville)
39. National Underground Railroad Museum (Maysville)Center (Maysville)
40. Old Bardstown Village Civil War Museum (Bardstown)
41. Old Fort Harrod State Park (Harrodsburg)
42. Old State Arsenal (Frankfort)
43. Old State Capitol (Frankfort)
44. Perryville Battlefield State Historic Site (Perryville)
45. Riverview at Hobson Grove (Bowling Green)
46. Shaker Village at Pleasant Hill (near Harrodsburg)
47. Spalding Hall (Bardstown)
48. State Capitol Rotunda (Frankfort)
49. Tebbs Bend Battlefield (Campbellsville)Greensburg (community)
50. Thomas D. Clark Center for Kentucky History (Frankfort)
51. Waveland (Lexington)
52. White Hall State Historic Site (Richmond)
53. Wildcat Mountain (London)
54. Women of the Civil War Museum (Bardstown)

The Kentucky Department of Travel and Tourism is an agency within the Tourism, Arts & Heritage Cabinet, which promotes the Commonwealth as a travel destination. Tourism in Kentucky has an economic impact of $11.3 billion, employs about 170,000 people and generates $1.2 billion in taxes.

Some troop movements in Kentucky

2011-10-04T20:35:00.001-04:00

The Covington Journal edition of September 28, 1861, had a few updates on troops moving in and through Kentucky, just a few weeks after the state's effort to maintain neutrality failed. These come from different sections of the paper so there are a couple of people, places or units that were mentioned more than once.

On Monday last, the Second Ohio regiment, Col. L.A. Harris, came over from Camp Dennison, Ohio, and took up quarters at Camp King, on the Licking river, back of Covington.

On Thursday the Thirty-fifth Ohio, Col. Vandevier, crossed the river at this point, and took cars on the Kentucky Central R.R. for the interior.

On Friday morning the Fourteenth Ohio, Col. Steadman, came over and immediately proceeded to the interior.

A detachment of U.S. troops left Lexington at 10 o'clock Monday night for Frankfort.

Four pieces of ordnance were sent from Frankfort to Lexington on Tuesday.

There is now about 1100 troops at Camp King.

Passengers by the train yesterday say that Vanderveir's Ohio regiment has taken possession of Cynthiana. There was no disturbance. (Note the different spelling of the last name compared to the other reference. I could not confirm either one on the Soldiers and Sailors site).

The Cincinnati Enquirer has it on reliable authority that the First and Second Kentucky regiments, now in Western Virginia, have been ordered to Kentucky.

Some twenty-five more army wagons passed through the city during the past week, en route for the interior of the state

The Lousiville Journal is informed that about five hundred rebel troops from the counties of Jefferons, Bullit, Spencer and Nelson will rendezvous at Jim Macaulay's near Mount Washington, and attempt to make their way through on horseback to the Confederate forces on the Louisville and Nashville Railroad.

A battalion of rebel cavalry, under Mithcell Lapeille, drove in Captain Gibson's pickets last night, at Salt river. Four are missing.

A Federal encampment has been established at Harrodsburgh. It is said they have arrested Ewing and Silvertooth, two prominent Secession Representatives.

Gen. Sherman had possession of Muldrough's Hill yesterday.

Defense of our Families at Home

2011-10-02T11:58:00.001-04:00

Covington Journal September 28, 1861

At a meeting of the citizens of Covington, held Tuesday evening, for the purpose of devising means for the greater security of our city and vicinity, S. Easton was called to preside, and J.B. Jones appointed Secretary.

After a full discussion, the following address and plan for the organization of a Home Guard was unanimously adopted:

To the citizens of Covington:

The exigencies of the times - dangers impending from invaders from abroad and seditious men at home - demand the prompt organization of the true men of our city, not connected with other Union organizations, to aid in its protection and defense. It is therefore proposed that they enroll themselves at once for the purposes above mentioned.

No one who is in affiliation or sympathy with Secessionists, or with those, by whatever name they may be called, who are working, directly or indirectly, to break down our Government which our fathers gave their treasure and their lives to establish, and who ignore and oppose the authority of our own State Government, will be admitted into the organization.

The names of applicants will be referred to a committee, and no name which does not receive the unanimous approval of that committee will be admitted.

Applicants are requested to leave their names at the office of Sumerwell & Simmons, in the Madison House.

A committee of five, on membership, was then appointed by the Chair; also a committee to draft rules for the government of the organization.

The meeting then adjourned to meet at Odd Fellows Hall, Friday night next, at half past seven o'clock.

S. EASTON, President
J.B. Jones, Secretary

September 1861: Important Action

2011-09-30T19:04:00.000-04:00

Major General Ormsby M Mitchel

From the Covington Journal of September 28, 1861 comes this brief article about a meeting that would have some long-term effects in Northern Kentucky and the defense of the Cincinnati region.

The Mayors of the cities of Cincinnati, Covington and Newport, and committees of Councils, met General Mitchel last evening, and an important conference was held as to the defense of the city. It was decided, among other matters, to employ a large force of laborers to dig intrenchments or redoubts on the hills back of Covington and Newport, four in number, and two flanking redoubts on the hills back of this city.

The force of laborers to be employed will be large, and the wages per day have been fixed at seventy-five cents.

[Cin Enquirer, 27th]

--
The results of this meeting were the beginnings of the construction of what would be 28 defensive positions in the area, 2 in Cincinnati and 26 south of the Ohio river, forming a shape like a ring with one side not quite rounded, each end attached to the river, taking advantage of the waterway's curve that forms Kentucky's northern border.

These defensive positions would fortify the area when Confederates under General Henry Heth threatened the region in September 1862, in what became known as the Siege of Cincinnati

The below illustration is a drawing of "Hooper Battery" (or "Battery Hooper") which was one of the first six positions fortified in the fall of 1861. (The others were built more hastily as the Confederates approached a year later.) This is also the land where the James A. Ramage Civil War Museum is now located, on a hill in what is now known as the town of Fort Wright, named for General Horatio G. Wright.

Design Updates

2011-09-28T14:38:00.001-04:00

UPDATE 9/29: As I mentioned in the comments sections, the resolution of your monitor will affect how the site looks. My home monitor has a very high resolution and that is what I use when I'm designing this. I may have to think about changing it to a lower resolution when designing this blog. I may experiment some more with this.

Please pardon the dust, as I'm making some design changes, which I'm wont to do from time-to-time - it's the blessing and the curse of being able to make any changes I want, but the previous design, as much as I liked it, lasted for more than a year and I thought it could be tough at times to read the posts, with the way the background was, so perhaps this more colorful approach will make things better.

I'll try not to make too many changes over the next few days and settle on something I like quickly, but I may keep playing around at least a little bit.

Thanks for your patience with me.
Richard

In which I Compare Confederates and Klingons

2011-09-27T20:08:00.000-04:00

Worf, Klingon

Robert E. Lee, Confederate

First of all, you're welcome for the captions under the pictures beginning this entry. :-)

Recently, I have been watching Star Trek: The Next Generation (I'll call it TNG ) on DVD and in one episode (probably more, but it caught my attention in one of them), Worf was in company with some fellow Klingons, and in their conversation they made several mentions of words like "honor" "duty" "courage" and "family."

For some reason that got me thinking that these warriors from outer space sure sounded like a different group with which I was familiar - Confederate soldiers.

I don't know that I'll ever do any kind of thorough research on this, but found it to be an interesting thought, so I will consider it briefly here. Some Confederates did fight in the Civil War as a matter of personal honor, or of proving their bravery. Staying home while others fought for the South would have shamed them, and in TNG, Worf frequently refers to his and his family's honor. In fact, that becomes a recurring theme in multiple episodes when the Klingon High Council accuses his father of betraying the empire. An example of this regarding the Confederacy is found on page 39 of the book Reluctant Rebels (Kenneth Noe, copyright 2010, University of North Carolina Press) when the author quotes one soldier letter: "you know me too well to think I could stay at home idle while all my young friends have left their families and friends. George Crawford and John Knowles have left their homes long ago for the same cause and I hope it shall never be said that John Beggs was afraid to go."

Duty is another theme that is mentioned both in studies of Confederate soldiers and by the Klingon characters. It is closely related to honor and "honor and duty" is a commonly heard or read phrase, to describe some kind of moral obligation to serve their government. Robert E. Lee's decision to join Virginia's forces after the state seceded and he resigned from the U.S. Army is one example of duty, while Worf resigned from Star Fleet in order to do his duty by serving on a Klingon vessel during a Klingon civil war.(Wow - there's a similarity I had not noticed until I typed that sentence. Was Worf really another Robert E. Lee, trying to reclaim his family name from actions his father supposedly took, and then resigning one position to take another in a civil war? Is there a comparison between Mogh and Lighthorse Harry Lee? Is there a "Klingon Yell (maybe when they see a fellow warrior die?")

All of these themes are closely related and another word heard frequently with them is "loyalty." How many Confederates like Lee or John Singleton Mosby fought as they did out of loyalty to their home state? Some like George Thomas resisted this call, but for many southerners, the actions of their state determined what they would do. This is another theme that Worf often falls back on, such as in the episode when he first meets K'Ehleyr (at least their first on-screen meeting) and lectures her about Klingon virtues of loyalty, duty and honor.

That episode also ties in with Worf's emphasis on family and how a Klingon is responsible for the actions of past and future generations, especially regarding a familiy's honor. This is certainly more of an issue in TNG than in the Civil War, where family divisions between the Union and Confederacy were not uncommon, but still Confederate soldiers did write about protecting their families and homes, and keeping their wives free from possible attack by freed slaves. Family connections also helped Klingons achieve political positions, while that same idea certainly was influential in the south (and the entire nation) in the 1860s.

"Manhood" and "courage" are two other closely-related virtues that fit the comparison as well. These were especially important to the Klingons, but even Confederate soldiers felt that they needed to prove their courage, and their willingness to fight for their loved ones was part of what it meant to be a man.

Obviously, comparing a fictional television series set centuries in the future to real people and lives from 150 years ago may not be the most serious of history, but I thought it was a fun and even a bit humorous of a comparison. I do wonder if a serious sociologist or social historian could do a longer study on this topic, maybe embracing these virtues in other public media. Still, as I watch more of the TNG episodes and hear words like "honor" and "duty" spoken by Klingons, it does remind me of how many young men, especially in the South, looked at life as they faced war and battle 150 years ago.

All-in-all, I tend to doubt that that Confederate soldiers obsessed over ideas like "honor and duty" as Worf or other Klingons did on TNG but these virtues were important to both cultures, in the real world of the Confederates and the fantasy worlds on television. Honor and duty were part of the motivations of many Confederate soldiers and as one website says: "Klingons hold honor above all else" (http://reocities.com/Hollywood/8459/klingon.html) a sentiment with which anybody familiar with the show can easily agree.

Whether it was Robert E. Lee working with thousands of fellow soldiers to battle the Yankees of the North, or Lieutenant Worf, working with Jean-Luc Picard to explore space and meet new life forms, virtues like honor, duty, family and loyalty all played a role in decisions they made and how their lives - real and imaginary - turned out.

Live long and prosper.

Book Review: Gray Ghost, by James A. Ramage

2011-09-24T15:15:00.000-04:00

Gray Ghost: The Life of Col. John Singleton Mosby

by James A. Ramage

University Press of Kentucky

When I wrote a review of Sickles at Gettysburg I began by stating that "one way to produce a fascinating book is to start with a fascinating story" and I found that James Hessler had done so with his work.

James A. Ramage used the same philosophy with this comprehensive biography of Colonel John Singleton Mosby, the famed head of the "Mosby's Rangers" Confederate unit during the Civil War. Mosby was certainly a far different person than Dan Sickles, but, like the Union general, he lived a long life and earned his fame not only during the Civil War, but also in the several decades after the war ended. (Plus, both were involved in long post-war controversies over the happenings over the campaign and battle of Gettysburg.)

The book begins with a chapter that touches upon many of Mosby's feats during the war and the philosophies Mosby used. This is a very effective introduction to this man and soldier and sets the state for the rest of the book, which starts with a discussion of Mosby's family history and then his youth, when his small size and health issues often left him a victim of bullies. This early discussion shows how this childhood and its challenges developed Mosby's personality and his attitude about fighting, even when an underdog. Dr. Ramage even claims that Mosby developed two distinct personalities that would remain with him for the rest of his life - a peaceful, studious and kind side, contrasted with the fighter, willing to face any challenge.

Mosby eventually was able to attend the University of Virginiaa where his personality earned him a negative reputation. When he was put on trial for shooting a well-known local bully, most of the jurors sided with him, but his reputation convinced enough members of the jury of his guilt, leading to a conviction of unlawful shooting, with a fine and a 12 month jail sentence. This was a major event in Mosby's life, and the treatment he received in the trial and by the university was something he would always remember. It also is a perfect example of his willingness to face large challenges and challengers, which his small band of rangers would do frequently in his future.

This book describes how Mosby, like many others, experienced conflicting emotions about the coming of the Civil War, at least until Virginia seceded, which ended any question he had about which side to support. It describes his early military days, and how being in the open air actually improved his health, even when he slept in the cool outdoors. He started learning his military values under Grumble Jones before moving to the command of Jeb Stuart, the most famous cavalryman of the war. This work shows how both men influenced Mosby, how he appreciated each and how both valued his services before he ended up on Stuart's staff.

Gray Ghost demonstrates how Mosby learned to scout effectively and gather information that Stuart found valuable and forwarded to Robert E. Lee. When the Confederate Congress passed a Partisan Ranger Act, Mosby became interested in taking advantage of that opportunity. He eventually got the chance, thanks largely to support from Confederate Secretary of War James Seddon. Dr. Ramage does a fantastic job of showing how this happened and how Seddon's support was vital to Mosby being allowed to form and then keep a company of partisans, despite the poor reputation such soldiers had earned throughout the south.

Included in the discussion of Mosby's development as an effective scout and ranger are a couple of examples where failure taught him lessons, such as in the difficulties of raiding against a railroad or the different responsibilities required in including a cannon with this band of men.

As the Civil War ended, Mosby avoided surrendering as long as he could, first of all waiting for Joe Johnson to surrender in the Carolinas, then waiting for appropriate treatment and terms from the Union forces in the area. It was during this time that Mosby developed a respect for U.S. Grant, which in turn created a relationship that would serve Mosby both good and bad in the future.

The discussion of Mosby's Civil War career is the essence of this biography. The analysis of the strategies Mosby used in his guerilla warfare is especially valuable. Dr. Ramage describes Mosby's use of secrecy, how he took advantage of darkness and/or poor weather, how he and his men portrayed Union soldiers even without the use of Union clothing, and how Mosby quickly realized that the days of using sabers for cavalry charges were gone, thanks to the presence of revolvers. His "take-the-offense" approach, even when the enemy seemed to have the advantage, was another common tactic and this book details how and why this worked so often. Mosby and his men practiced a very true form of guerilla warfare, not acting as lawless bands of marauders (though Union citizens and officials may have disagreed) but as an actual military unit practicing legitimate military methods to achieve military goals. Dr. Ramage emphasizes Mosby's desire to use fear and to multiply that emotion among Union soldiers as being a key part of his approach.

Gray Ghost follows its tellling of the tale of Mosby's Civil War career by moving on to the fascinating story of his post-war life, where this Southern hero became almost persona non grata in his home state, thanks to his decision to support the Republican party and many of its leaders. It discusses how he used his Republican party contacts to help find him employment and how he established himself as a reformer in some of these jobs. Despite his fame and his many jobs, he never saved any money, thus whenever one job ended, he found another until he finally retired in his mid-70s, living with some of his children and grandchildren.

During these years, Mosby turned to writing to tell his memories and sides of the war, especially Lee's second invasion of the North. This was the "Gettysburg War" he waged with many opponents over Jeb Stuart's actions during the days and weeks before the battle. Mosby, the southerner who had lost his Virginia friends due to his support for Ulysses S. Grant, further hurt his reputation in the commonwealth when he dared criticize Robert E. Lee, the ultimate Confederate hero. Here again, his willingness to take on any fight when he thought he was right shows itself, just as it had in some of the reforms he favored from the consuls in Hong Kong to the plains of Nebraska, and as it had throughout his life, starting with his refusal to allow bullies to intimidate him in his youth.

I found the last chapter The Gray Ghost of Television and Film to be an outstanding addition to the book. This discussion of Mosby's image in popular culture, from portraits, silent films, books and television provides an outstanding perspective of his image in popular culture in the final decades of his life, including the ups and downs of his reputation, fame and popularity. This was a wonderful section and a great way to describe Mosby's legacy.

Following that chapter may be an even more valuable addition, a brief "conclusion" which analyzes and summarizes Mosby's military effectiveness. This may have been the best part of the book. The entire work is wonderful, but adding this recap - after the chapters on Mosby's postwar life and his image - simply wrapped the book up in a wonderful, informative manner.

The book then finishes with end notes and a fine bibliographic essay, revealing the many writings, collections, archives and other sources the author used in compiling this work.

I readily admit that I do volunteer at the James A. Ramage Civil War Museum and have met Dr. Ramage on several occasions. He is man for whom I think the phrase "a gentleman and a scholar" was created. Any comments I have made during this review are my honest thoughts and nothing I wrote was intentionally influenced by my relationship with Dr. Ramage, but I do think it only fitting that readers of this entry know of this

Before reading this book, I knew very little about John Singleton Mosby and did not realize what a long, fascinating and productive life he had, serving for the Confederacy then for the United States. He was not a "scoundrel" like some described Dan Sickles, but, like his Union counterpart, Mosby made the most of life both in and out of the army and always found himself in the center of activity and attention.

Gray Ghost is a very fine cradle-to-grave biography of this southern gentleman, providing an in-depth perspective of this man, his personality, his careers and legacy. Any Civil War enthusiast or student can benefit by reading it and will be better off for doing so.

Departure of Home Guards

2011-09-23T18:41:00.000-04:00

Here is an article with some local information from the Covington Journal September 21, 1861

On Thursday night last a detachment of Home Guards left this city on the Kentucky Central R.R., for the purpose of guarding the bridges on that road. It was composed of the following companies: Kenton Union Guards, Capt. Farrell; Kentucky Grays, Lieut. Stacy; Capt. Condell's company; Boone Rifles, Capt. Heltimes, Marion Guards, Capt. Richardson of this city;and Capt. Artsman's company from Newport, numbering altogether about two hundred men.

The night was a pleasant one and a good many people were present to witness the departure of the boys, who were heartily cheered as the train moved off.

As the Grays were proceeding to the Depot, the ladies of the Madison House, through Maj. Clarkson, presented them with a handsome wreath.

Former KentuckyGovernor arrested

2011-09-22T12:05:00.000-04:00

From the Covington Journal of September 21, 1861, comes this story which this links says foreshadowed future Union policy throughout the Commonwealth.

Courtesy of Kentucky Historical society,

Arrest of Ex-Gov. Morehead
Prepared, as we have been by recent occurrences , for almost any exercise of power, we confess to no little surprise on reading the announcement of the arrest of Ex-Gov. Chas. S. Morehead, He has always been noted for his conservative principles. No man was more devoted to the Union, or has labored more earnestly to avert the terrible calamities under which the country is suffering; no man has made greater exertions to maintain Kentucky in her position of neutrality.

Gov. Morehead has filled many important public trusts, and in no instance has his integrity been questioned, whilst his private life has illustrated those graces and virtues which at once command respect and admiration. His friends will not readily believe that he has been guilty of any offense justifying his arrest and transportation beyond the limits of the State. If guilty, let him suffer the consequences. But if, as we suspect, he has been arrested for opinion's sake, let the Legislature of Kentucky, acting in accordance with the spirit of the Conklin and Finnell resolutions, demand his instant release.

I posted a description of those resolutions in a previous entry here

Here is more information on Morehead's career, as well as bit more on this link.

Important Military Order, Ormsby Mitchel

2011-09-20T18:13:00.000-04:00

The following appears in the Washington dispatches, Thursday:

"An order was issued from the War Department to-day that the Military Department of Ohio will in future consist of the State of that name, Indiana and as much of Kentucky as lies within fifteen miles of Cincinnati, under the command of Brigadier General Mitchell (sic) of the United States Volunteers, headquarters at Cincinnati.
--
This article was from the Covington Journal of September 21, 1861

It refers to Brigadier General Ormsby Mitchel (whose last name only contained 1 "l" even though the city of Fort Mitchell, Kentucky, named after the general doubles that. That town is located within the fifteen miles of Cincinnati mentioned in the article) Mitchel was a fascinating man, an astronomer and teacher, who helped create the observatory in Cincinnati, including raising funds to buy the lens, then traveling to Germany to make the purchase.

Here is a brief biography of General Mitchel, who passed away in late 1862 while serving in the Carolinas.

Ormsby Mitchel

Preserve Peace in Kentucky

2011-09-19T18:41:00.001-04:00

From the Covington Journal of September 21, 1861 comes this report of some of the activities of the Kentucky Legislature as the state vainly tried to stay out of the Civil War, even with both sides having forces in the state by this time..

To Preserve the Peace and Quiet of Kentucky
The Legislature has adopted several important declarations concerning the peace and quiet of Kentucky.

The Conklin Resolutions (adopted in the House by a vote of 89 yeas to 4 nays, and in the Senate by 31 yeas to 5 nays) declares:
1. That the people of Kentucky ought not to engage in civil strife amongst themselves on account of difference of political opinions.
2. That it is the duty of the people to be obedient to the civil authorities, and to respect, in times of war as well as peace, all the rights guaranteed to every citizen by the constitution and the laws of the land.
3.That all good citizens, however they may differ in political opinion, should unite in protecting each other in their rights of life, liberty and property, against invasion thereof by unlawful raids, mobs or marauding bands.

A resolution introduced by Col. Finnell, and adopted in the House by a vote of 92 yeas to 3 nays, declares:

4. That no citizen shall be arrested on account of his political opinions.
5. That no citizen's property shall be taken or confiscated because of such opinions
6. That no slave shall be set free by any military commander.
7. That all peaceable citizens and their families are entitled to and shall receive the fullest protection of the government in the enjoyment of their lives, their liberties and their property.

We invite a hearty concurrence in these declarations. If generally accepted in good faith they cannot fail in accomplishing much good.

--
"Col. Finnell" appears to be the General John Finnell mentioned in this online version of Collins' Historical Sketches of Kentucky" The language mentioned above was a summary from his resolutions demanding that the Confederate troops leave Kentucky's soil.

The Dissolution of the Republican Party, 1861

2011-09-18T11:21:00.000-04:00

The Covington Journal of September 21, 1861 published this piece, offering what it considered to be a positive sign of things to come.

The dissolution of the Republican party - now manifest and undeniable - is the first glimpse of sunshine that has burst upon the country since the President's War Proclamation in April last.

The Republican party is afraid or ashamed to go before the country upon the issues it has created. It is afraid or ashamed to defend the unconstitutional acts of President Lincoln; the enormous expenditures of the Executive, or the corruption and imbecility of high officials. This is a good sign. There is yet ground for hope.