The Noble Stand of the Union Men

Students of the Civil War generally associate the term "Union Men" with those who supported the United States government against the Confederacy, including those who joined the "Union" army, but in the days before the war that term had a different meaning, at least to some people.

This brief article comes from the Covington Journal of October 27, 1860, shortly before the Presidential election of that year took place. This newspaper supported the John Bell - Edward Everett ticket, the "Constitutional Union Party" and used the term "Union" with that meaning in mind.

The Noble Stand of the Union Men

Whilst the leaders of the Republican party frantically appeal to Northern prejudices in behalf of "Northern men with Northern principles," and the Secessionists loudly call for a "united South" to resist the North, the Union men of the South make no idle threats, appeal to no national prejudices.

They repel with indignity the unjust assaults that are made upon their section, and earnestly demand their constitutional rights. In conjunction with their friends in the North they present as a candidate for the Presidency a man of great experience in public affairs and of undoubted conservative national opinions - a man who if elected will labor to repress sectional agitation and restore the administration of the general government to the broad basis of the Constitution.

If, after all, the Union men fail, if the majority no longer heed appeals to their sense of justice and love of country, and the dark days come upon us, when the collision of sectional opinion shall be "quickly followed by the clash of arms," they will  have the consolation of knowing that they labored to the last and did their utmost to prevent the dire result.

Bell - Everett poster courtesy loc.harpweek.com

Period Article on Lincoln's Nomination

As we enter another election season, I thought I would share this story I found. It comes from the Covington Journal  of May 26,1860. It is a bit more complimentary of the new party's selection than I expected, as the Journal had been a supporter of John Bell and opposed any idea of abolishing slavery, a trait then associated with the Republican Party, as the final sentence shows.

The selection of ABRAHAM LINCOLN and HANNIBAL HAMLIN as candidates for President and Vice President by the Republican Convention at Chicago is hailed with considerable enthusiasm by the adherents of the party of the North. The nomination of Lincoln is perhaps as strong of one as could be made. With talents of no mean order and some rather rare elements of personal popularity, he will undoubtedly unite the Republicans of the North-west, at least, and command their hearty support. New England, too, appears to be satisfied with the nomination, though we have seen no indication of unwonted enthusiasm in that quarter. But this is not enough. The Republicans must carry, in addition, both New York and Pennsylvania and the probabilities now are that they will carry neither of these States. We are not ignorant of the fact that a hundred guns have been fired in honor of the Chicago nominations at Albany, and at some points in Pennsylvania there have been similar manifestations of popular approval. All this, however, is very inconclusive. A dozen men may manage to have a hundred guns fired and fifty man hold a very enthusiastic ratification meeting. SEWARD, as the founder and law-giver of the party, was entitled to the nomination, and expected it. It is evident that he and his devoted followers in the State of New York, are sorely disappointed, and it cannot be supposed they will give a very hearty support to a candidate the selection of whom has dashed to the ground their long cherished hopes. At the late State elections in New York the Republicans were beaten on a part of their ticket, and we see no reason to conclude they are stronger now than then. Indeed, we believe they have been steadily losing strength ever since the last Presidential election. Pennsylvania is essentially a conservative State, and if the Republicans succeed there, the fact will doubtless be owing to the inexcusable failure of the Opposition to unite against them.

The following is the main plank of the Chicago platform: 

"That the normal condition of all the Territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our Republican fathers when they had abolished Slavery in all our national Territory had ordained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain thus provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress or a Territorial Legislature or any individuals to give local distance to Slavery in any Territory in the United States."

It will be noted that the idea of "no more Slave States" is embodied in unmistakeable language in this declaration. In fact the platform is identical in spirit with that of '56, while the candidates of '60 are, if possible, more sectional than those of '56.

The Last Campaign Song of 1860

During the first years of the sesquicentennial, I frequently found stories in the Covington Journal from 150 years prior and reprinted or discussed then here. Unfortunately, the list of available surviving editions stopped in August 1862 and did not resume until 1868. It was a pro-Southern and Democratic journal, so perhaps those sentiments led it to shutting down for a while, or maybe other issues were destroyed, not saved for modern microfilming,  but at least we have come issues from the war left.

Anyway, I have been on a genealogy kick lately and thought again of this resource and decided to start  looking through it again for more interesting stories, probably focusing on the pre- and post-war period, though who knows what I may find? I doubt I find a lot, but suspect there are at least some interesting stories waiting for me.

Today, I take some song lyrics from the November 3, 1860 issue, the final issue before the monumental Presidential election of that year. I don't think they need too much explaining as the writer's preferences come across fairly strongly (though I will add that "phiz" is an apparently old-fashioned word for "face.")

The Last Campaign Song

To the air of "Oh, Susannah"

I had a dream the other night,

When all around was still.

I thought I saw poor Breckenridge

A sitting on a hill.

A corn-cob pipe was in his mouth,

A tear was in his eye;

Says he, they beat us North and South

But Yancey do not cry.

(Chorus) Fire-eaters do not cry, said he

Tho' we are left of hope bereft,

By Bell of Tennessee. 

Not far away stood Stephen A., 

I think I see him now;

With clenched fists and lips compressed,

And dark and frowning brow.

With sorrowing phiz poor Breckenridge

No sooner caught his eye,

Than hands did place upon his face,

And loud began to cry.

---Oh, Lord Stephen, don't be mad with me, 

There was nothing so deceivin'

As Bell of Tennessee.

Then in the rear, there did appear,

A doleful picture drawn,

With clothes neglect and hair erect,

And features woe-begone

I'll go again to splitting rails

Quoth he, with piteous sigh;

The colored question once more fails,

So, darkies, let us cry;

---Oh, dear niggers, come and cry with me;

Our hopes are o'er for evermore,

With Bell of Tennessee.

Then by his side I then espied,

Old Buck with phiz demure,

Friend Abe, he said, I'm much afraid, 

Our cause is hopeless sure.

To Breckenridge tho' I was pledged,

All powers I did apply,

Tho' indirect, to you elect,

So, Lincoln do not cry.

--- Oh, fanatic, do not cry said he, 

We all have fell by Old John Bell,

That hails from Tennessee. 

John Bell did end up winning Kentucky's electoral votes, which clearly did not help the three candidates mentioned here, so perhaps the song's point was not totally off-the-mark.