Wednesday, February 4, 2026

The Last Civil War Veteran in Campbell County: Cornelius G. Cannon

Throughout the Civil War, general orders were sometimes necessary to effect changes in or make clarifications to policies, procedures, discipline, or to address a variety of other concerns. On September 28, 1863, Secretary of War Edwin Stanton issued such a directive, one which symbolized one way the war had changed since its commencement.

General Orders No. 323.

WAR DEPT., ADJT. GENERAL'S OFFICE,
Washington, September 28, 1863.

 

            In section 10, act of March 3, 1863, it is enacted "That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized to cause to be enlisted for each cook (two allowed by section 9) two undercooks of African descent, who shall receive for their full compensation $10 per month and one ration per day; $3 of said monthly pay may be in clothing."

 

            For a regular company, the two undercooks will be enlisted; for a volunteer company, they will be mustered into service, as in the cases of other soldiers. In each case a remark will be made on their enlistment papers showing that they are undercooks of African descent.

 

            Their names will be borne on the company muster-rolls at the foot of the list of privates. They will be paid, and their accounts will be kept, like other enlisted men. They will also be discharged in the same manner as other soldiers.

 

By order of the Secretary of War:

 E. D. TOWNSEND,

Assistant Adjutant-General.[1]


This order allowed male African Americans to serve in the same units as whites and receive the same treatment as soldiers, not as servants. Its insistence on mentioning their heritage in the paperwork and their pay being less than that of white soldiers reinforces the fact that race was still an issue, but allowing these men to serve in the same units as whites and treating them as soldiers was a small step towards more opportunities for men like them, an idea that had been completely unfathomable to most civil and military leaders two years previously.

One man who took advantage of this opportunity was Cornelius Green Cannon.[2]

Cornelius had been born on February 3, 1846, in Franklin County, Missouri to parents Cornelius and Martha.[3]

On June 1, 1863, he joined company F of the 23rd Missouri Infantry, in Rolla, Missouri. He joined for a three-year term as an under cook, as General Order No. 323 allowed.

The army was naturally curious about his physical condition. The examiner who looked over him found that he had been sick with a fever six years previously, but at present had no disease. He had never had an injury on his head, or any sprain, fractures, or dislocation. He also had avoided the piles (a.k.a. hemorrhoids) and did not have trouble urinating. He was not in “the habit of drinking.”  

He had, however, been vaccinated from smallpox and did have a large scar on his left thigh above the knee, the result of a burn.

The inspecting surgeon declared: “This man (a Negro) was examined in accordance with the General Regulations of Army and is free from all bodily defect which would in any way disqualify him from performing the duties of a company cook.”

At this time, the 17-year-old Cornelius (who was listed as 18 on his paperwork), stood 5 feet 8 inches tall, and his eyes, hair, and complexion were all described as “black.” His occupation was that of a farmer.

Once Cornelius joined it, the 23rd Missouri saw action in military assignments such as the Atlanta Campaign and the March to the Sea in 1864, and it was present when General Joe Johnston surrendered his Confederate army in North Carolina in April of 1865. These men later marched in the Grand Review of the Union Armies before moving back to Louisville, where the regiment mustered out of service on July 18.  

In his postwar life, Cornelius moved several times as he did his best to make an honest living but spent many of his final years in Campbell County.

In 1880, he worked as a servant in Xenia, Ohio, then the 1890 Veterans Schedule shows him in Boyle County in central Kentucky.

By 1898, he was a Methodist preacher in Lexington, Kentucky, living with his wife Katie, whom he had married in 1888.

1900 found him still working as a preacher, now in Jessamine County, Kentucky, but that year’s census shows he had been married for just one year and did not list the name of his bride.

He continued to roam, arriving in Campbell County by 1903, when a minor family incident took place in Newport.

A local boy stole $5 from a Newport bakery and gave $1.50 of it to Cornelius’ son James and another youngster. The 14-year-old James and his companion received thirty-day jail sentences for possessing that stolen money.[4]

This incident was especially embarrassing for a preacher’s family, as the Kentucky Post of October 16 reported. It informed readers that Cornelius had “chastised his son, Jesse Cannon, 14, in the Newport Jail after securing his release Thursday,” and that he “returned the money his boy had received and then lashed him with a rawhide until he promised never to commit such an offense again.”[5]

Sadly, Jesse died in April of the next year, just six months after this incident.

At this point, the frustration often present in genealogical research enters this story.

One page of the 1910 census, listing him as Reverend Cornelius Cannon, shows that he was working as a minister at a Methodist Church in Campbell County, though a local genealogy website reports he worked at the Corinthian Baptist Church. It is unlikely, but not inconceivable, that he worked at both houses of worship. He lived with Katherine and their daughter Mary on Fourth Street in Newport.[6]

For some reason, however, he appears a second time on that census, this one reporting him living in Falmouth in Pendleton County and working as a minister. The odds of there being two African American ministers with an unusual name like Cornelius Cannon living in neighboring counties in that one year are low, so it is probable that he worked in both places trying to do every job he could to support his small family. Perhaps this was his version of “riding the circuit,” to reach different congregations, with him having two dependable places he could stay. 

This record is barely legible but appears to spell his first name as “Carneluousy.” It also shows him as having been married for twenty-one years but did not include his wife’s name. He was reported as 64 years old with Missouri as his birthplace and minister for his occupation, each of which are correct.

The first 1910 record, showing him in Newport was taken a week before the Falmouth census and shows him married to Katherine for twenty years, but incorrectly lists him as only 49 years old and born in Illinois.

Why such basic information about him is so clearly wrong is unclear, but perhaps he was in Falmouth when the census taker visited Newport and whoever provided his information – possibly his teenage daughter – gave wrong information. It is also conceivable that the enumerator, not the same as in Falmouth, somehow made these errors.

On February 19, 1916, Cornelius entered the Dayton, Ohio branch of the National Home for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers. He was now measured at 5 feet 6 inches tall, and had a black complexion, dark eyes, and black hair. He could read and write, and, as his past work had shown, held Protestant religious views.

This record shows him as a cook, which he had been in the war, so he apparently took on that chore in the home. At 70 years old, his body was starting to give him trouble, as he was suffering from heart disease, defective vision, chronic rheumatism, and a frequent micturition (urination.)

It shows his pension had been $17 per month, but increased to $23 on January 2, 1916, $30 on January 2, 1921, and finally to $40. 

The home’s record also shows Katherine living at 129 West 2nd Street in Newport.

Despite the usual rules of that era's society, it was not unusual for men like Cornelius to be in the soldiers home. This facility freely admitted African Americans and even “established a policy of racial equality,” but such idealism did not survive the onset of Jim Crow. “In the decades following the Civil War the level of equality became less and less,” but even when these men did enjoy the same benefits as their white colleagues, they were segregated within the facility and slept in separate barracks and ate at different tables.”[7]   

In 1920, he again appeared on two census entries. One correctly reports him in the Dayton Soldier’s home, with his occupation listed as “company commander.”

The other record lists him still in Newport, with his wife and daughter, but describes his occupation as an overseer at the soldier’s home. These two records show that the census taker knew he was at the facility in Dayton but that it was likely to be a temporary stay, with Cornelius expecting to return to Newport.

Cornelius did soon make that return. He left the home by his own request on February 2, 1926, and was back with his family, living at 129 Second Street in Newport by 1930. 

In 1938, Cornelius, whom the Kentucky Post specified was a “negro Civil War veteran” rode in a car during a local Memorial Day Parade, giving his service its well-deserved recognition.[8]

As the 1940s started, the family remained in the same home. Cornelius owned the dwelling but had not worked in 1939. This latest census reported that the highest level of education he had completed was third grade, not surprising given the era in which he was born. He may have been fortunate to get even that.

Two years later, in 1942, locals gathered at St. Paul’s A.M.E. Church in Newport to celebrate Cornelius’ service, acknowledging that he was “believed to be the oldest known survivor of the Civil War.” The ceremony featured speakers and local fraternal groups.[9]

A city directory for the same year listed him as a carpenter. Was the 96-year-old really working or was that a former occupation? Perhaps it was simply an error by the book publisher.

He again joined in the Memorial Day parades in 1942 and 1943, with one story referring to him and his fellow Civil War veterans by noting that only “one member of a group that has marched in many Memorial Day parades of years gone by will be in Newport’s line of march Saturday.” Eight decades after the war, its survivors were quickly going extinct.[10]

Another account concerning the 1942 parade declared him to be “the last Civil War veteran in Campbell County" as the local press did not shy away from acknowledging his service and long life.[11]

Heart disease took Cornelius’ life on November 5, 1944, in Newport. He had lived to the ripe old age of 98, and was laid to rest in Evergreen Cemetery. He had led a long life through a remarkable century of change, from the age of slavery all the way to the brink of nuclear war.


From https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/
1https://47thpennsylvaniavolunteers.com/2024/02/23/black-history-month-the-authorization-duties-and-pay-of-under-cooks/, Accessed January 26, 2006
2Much of the paperwork in his compiled military service records on fold3.com list his name as Cornelius Crowder. I have been unable to find any census records for that name but a muster roll card for November and December 1863  has “True name, Cornelius G. Cannon” stamped on it. The 1890 Veterans Schedule includes his name followed by “alias Cornelius Crowder.”  Fold3 has all his paperwork filed under Cornelius G. Cannon.
3https://www.usgenwebsites.org/KYCampbell/aacorneliuscannon.htmAccessed January 28, 2026
4Kentucky Post, October 11, 1903
5Kentucky Post, October 16, 1903
6https://www.usgenwebsites.org/KYCampbell/aacorneliuscannon.htmAccessed January 28, 2026
7://www.nps.gov/articles/history-of-disabled-volunteer-soldiers.htmAccessed January 28, 2026
8Kentucky Post, May 18, 1938
9Kentucky Post, February 2, 1942
10Kentucky Post, May 30, 1942
11Kentucky Post, May 21, 1942   



Thursday, January 22, 2026

An Uncounted Casualty of the War: Henry Blanch, US Navy

Most Civil War veterans who had Campbell County ties served with the Federal army, but several chose a different path and joined the navy instead.

One such man was German native Henry Blanch.1

Like numerous other Campbell County Union supporters, Henry was born in Germany and crossed the Atlantic Ocean to a new home in the United States. 

He had been born in the Old World in 1837, and, once in his new homeland, he married Rebecca Enteminger on November 20, 1854, at a friend’s home in Ashland, Kentucky.

After the Civil War started, Henry bided his time before enlisting as an acting third-assistant engineer in the navy on July 22, 1864. He served on the USS Milwaukee.

USS Milwaukee From https://www.history.navy.mil/content/history/nhhc/research/histories/ship-histories/danfs/m/milwaukee-i.html

The Milwaukee was the debut ship and chosen name of a new type of vessel called the Milwaukee-class river monitor. It had been constructed in Carondelet, Missouri (now part of St. Louis) to patrol the nation’s western rivers and was officially commissioned in August of 1864.

It was soon reassigned to the West Gulf Blockading Squadron around New Orleans and later moved to Mobile Bay for action against that Confederate city, where it worked “bombarding Confederate positions, clearing mines and supporting operations to isolate and capture the city of Mobile.”2

It struck a mine (then called a torpedo) and sank on March 28, 1865, but, remarkably, Henry Blanch and the entire crew lived through this scary episode.

About three weeks after this, on April 21, Henry wrote to Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles. He wasted no time in  stating his purpose as the first line declared: "I very respectfully ask for leave of absence to go north and visit my family."

His reasoning was clumsily stated: "My wife is at present dangerously sick, and my having a large family of helpless children who require my immediate protection."

"I have just lost my all by the sinking of the U.S.S. Milwaukee, hoping this may be granted."

With the major fighting in the war finished, authorities granted him a 30-day leave to go home, which . was likely in or near Cincinnati as his pension file noted that he had lived in that area since his discharge.

As for his former ship, the remains of the Milwaukee were recovered in 1868 and eventually became scrap that was used in the building of St. Louis’ Eads Bridge.3

Unlike his ship, Henry had survived the war, receiving an honorable discharge on July 7, 1865, but his time in the navy continued to affect him.

A physical examination  on August  20, 1884, for his pension application reported him as 5 feet 11.5 inches tall. He had a light complexion, brown hair, and hazel eyes.    

Another physical a month later noted that he weighed 118 pounds.

This second exam found that he was physically unable to earn a living because of his time in the navy. In the spring of 1865, he had contracted a bad cold, an illness that affected his throat and stomach, including indigestion and constipation. While in (the) battle of Spanish Fort, his vessel was blown up and he with the rest of the crew took to the boats.” This exposure to the elements brought on those ailments as well as a case of piles (now called hemorrhoids).

One document even mentioned phetusia (or phthisis)  pulmonalis, a period term for tuberculosis. 

Henry had received “no treatment on the vessel but the steward on his vessel afterwards gave him medicine.” He then was onboard the Kickapoo for two days and the Nyanza (41) in July, then moved to the Nashville for a week.

He staked his claim for a pension based on “all effects of the above.”

The government considered the evidence and soon awarded him a monthly pension of $10, which ended up lasting from August 22, 1884, until his death just more than eight months later.

Henry passed away on May 2, 1885, in Newport at just 48 years of age, due to “disease of stomach and liver.” He had worked as an engineer and lived in Newport for six years, finding a home on Columbia Street. He was buried in Evergreen Cemetery.

Author’s photo

In the months after her husband’s passing, Rebecca Blanch sought a widow’s pension. As part of the application process, Henry’s brother William testified that Henry had been “a sound and healthy man previous to his enlistment in the U.S. Navy,” but upon his returning home to civilian life, he suffered from disease of the throat and stomach, with his illness “gradually growing worse each year” until his death.

She did receive that pension and lived a long life without Henry, not passing away for almost another half-century, passing away on June 20, 1933. A death record with her pension paperwork shows Evergreen Cemetery as her final resting place, but no headstone exists for her and an online cemetery record does not list her name among the burials.

Henry Blanch had physically survived the war, but in a larger sense, health problems caused directly by his participation in the conflict led to his demise. His death - and an impossible number of similar ones - may not count in discussions of the war’s total deaths, but, in the end, it was an unseen consequence of war that left Henry with a life years or decades shorter than he may have hoped or expected. He was, in actuality, one more of the hundreds of thousands of casualties of the Civil War.


Notes: Information about Henry and Rebecca’s pension applications came from the same file at fold3.com: US, Navy Widows' Certificates, 1861-1910: at https://www.fold3.com/file/27648779/blanch-henry-us-navy-widows-certificates-1861-1910?terms=blanch+henryoriginally accessed June 25, 2022

1Some records spell his name Blanche, but he signed it “Blanch” on a letter he wrote.

Thursday, January 8, 2026

Lyman, Charles, and Virginia Rugg: A 49er, a Soldier, and a Suffragist

My first story of the new year was set to be a routine profile of a soldier who had survived repeated misfortune during his service, but as I examined his life, I discovered that two of his family members had authored their own unique tales, ones that also deserve attention. These new finds transformed this story into something bigger and more compelling than planned.

Charles Lyman Rugg was born on October 12, 1842, at the York Street home of his parents, Lyman and Amelia Rugg, in Newport, Ky. Lyman worked as a barkeeper.

In 1850, 8-year-old Charles lived in Newport with Lyman, Amelia, and three siblings. His father soon found work as an agent with the Pennsylvania Central Railroad Company.1

Lyman, a New Hampshire native, had been a 49er, one of the multitudes of men who sought wealth in California during the famous mid-century gold rush. He had led a group of men on the long overland trail to the West Coast, perhaps starting in St. Joseph, Missouri, a popular departure point for people headed west. Despite meeting with some success in his search for gold, however, he did not bring any home. The John Adams, the steamboat carrying him back from California, hit an obstacle in the Mississippi River and sank.2

This unfortunate ship, constructed in Cincinnati, suffered this catastrophe  in the early morning hours of January 27, 1851, killing 130 passengers and crew members. The boat had been carrying cargo while also “full of passengers, many of them returning from the California Gold Rush,” like Lyman, who “narrowly escaped a watery grave” in this tragedy and “was only rescued by being dragged through a hole cut into the hurricane roof.”  He had found enough precious metal to make him “very wealthy,” but he had to abandon the sinking ship, “leaving his gold to perish” at the bottom of the cold water.3

Lyman had enjoyed considerable good luck in surviving this accident, but when he needed more serendipity four years later, his well of fortune ran dry. Early one morning, he  took a ferry from Newport across the Ohio River to Cincinnati only to meet his downfall “by accidentally stepping from the ferry… during a dense fog.” While taking that finalstep, he misplaced his foot and fell off the boat, striking his head on the wharf. This rendered him unconscious, and the water carried him downstream before he sank into the depths, his body “seen no more.”4

Charles, his mother, and his three siblings persevered through this nightmare and in 1860 lived together in Newport. Charles was now 18 years old.

When the Civil War started in 1861, he remained at home for more than a year, perhaps feeling obligated to support his family, but on August 18, 1862, he joined the 71st Indiana Infantry as a sergeant in company K.

This regiment had formed in Terre Haute, Indiana and mustered into the service in Indianapolis after which its men left for Lexington, Kentucky.

Once in central Kentucky, these brand new troops - completely unseasoned, untrained, and undisciplined in military matters, leaving them totally unprepared for combat - almost immediately “saw the elephant” when they fought in the battle at Richmond, Ky. on August 29 and 30, one of the most thorough Confederate victories of the war.

The 71st assumed its fair share of the humiliation that the Rebels dished out in this contest. One account of its experience there includes the foreboding title Disaster for the 71st Indiana at the Richmond Races and describes their troubles as “an exceedingly unpleasant tale of dauntless courage, inept leadership, and even brutality.”

According to that account, after the fight ended, a captain in the 71st rounded up a handful of officers and a couple hundred enlisted soldiers from the regiment. These survivors constituted less than 25% of the force the unit had carried into this fight, as the battle cost the 71st over 150 killed and wounded men. Hundreds of others, including Charles, became Confederate prisoners, though just temporarily as the enemy paroled them within a week. The parolees were free to rejoin the regiment but could not fight again until they were officially exchanged for enemy prisoners of similar rank, a common procedure to handle prisoners both opponents early in the war.5  

The men returned to Indianapolis to await exchange. After this occurred, they took the field again in December of 1862, and, as before, marched into Kentucky, where, as before,  ill fortune awaited.

The 71st was still in the Bluegrass State as Confederate General John H. Morgan undertook his "Christmas Raid," and the hard-luck regiment endured another defeat when Morgan and his men captured it at Muldraugh Hill, Kentucky on December 29. In a repeat of their Richmond nightmare four months earlier, the bluecoats were paroled by their enemy and travelled back to Indianapolis where they settled in nearby Camp Burnside (or Burnside Barracks) to await exchange.6     

One of Charles’ regimental colleagues in another company reported:

 “Morgan took our side arms and the men's blankets and overcoats which tends to keep up well his reputation as a horse thief.”

He added: “The men are in good spirits notwithstanding the fact that we have been meanly, badly, shamefully, and outrageously treated.”7

Charles’ experience likely resembled this account.

That unfortunate day proved to be the last time the regiment marched under the 71st Indiana banner, as once back in Indianapolis it reorganized into the 6th Indiana Cavalry, effective February 22, 1863. This was the regimental name Charles later listed on his pension application and that appeared on his headstone.

An obituary relates that Charles served as an aide-de-camp under Colonel James Biddle during that “celebrated Morgan raid.” This role was akin to what today would be a personal assistant, helping an officer with tasks such as completing paperwork, drafting communications, and delivering messages to other officers, even sometimes on the field of battle while the fight was raging. It was a position that required a literate and trustworthy man to hold it, and a story explained why Charles may have received this assignment: “His tact and shrewdness always had the confidence of his superior officers.” That was the exact type of soldier whom officers would want in such a role.8

In August of 1863, these newly minted cavalry troops were exchanged and headed back to the field under Biddle’s command. This time, their luck improved for several months. They served in Kentucky, Virginia, and Tennessee until May of 1864 when they joined the Union’s campaign to take Atlanta.

As this undertaking stretched into summer, George Stoneman led a cavalry raid against the Confederates in late July and early August, hoping to damage railroads and liberate prisoners held at Andersonville Prison. The 6th Indiana was part of this raid, but Charles’ good fortune expired again when Confederates captured him late on August 2 or in the early morning of the 3rd during the Battle of King’s Tanyard (a.k.a. Jug Tavern), a Confederate triumph during which the victors captured more than 400 Union soldiers.9

This time, immediate parole was not an option as the harsh realities of the long, violent war had led both sides to stop the exchanges and start sending captives to prison camps. Both sides prioritized the care of their own men over that of captured enemies, contributing to the crowded and unsanitary conditions many prisoners faced. Civil War prisons justifiably earned a reputation as being unhealthy, unsafe facilities that no soldier wished to visit.

The southerners marched Charles and their other prisoners to Athens, Georgia. From there, they moved the Yankees to their new unwelcome homes. Charles spent time in prisons in Macon, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina, but was blessed enough to survive his year-long confinement. He mustered out of the army on September 15, 1865, in Murfreesboro, Tennessee.

During his service, Charles had earned three promotions, first to sergeant major (the highest-ranking non-commissioned officer in the regiment) in January of 1863. Just one month later, on February 18, 1863, he became a 2nd Lieutenant and transferred to company D. He later was promoted to 1st Lieutenant on October 16 of the same year and held that rank for the rest of his service.

Charles’ military experience affected his postwar years. “Hardships in the army brought on paralysis, from which he never recovered, and which, no doubt, shortened his days. Unfortunately, no record mentions the extent of his condition or how it affected his daily living. It is conceivable that his time in prison had left him with health issues for the rest of his days.

In the months following the war, he settled in Danville, Illinois, finding employment in the wool industry, but this venture failed and he returned to Newport where he “received an appointment as Deputy United States Marshal.”10

In 1870, he worked as a clerk and lived with his mother Amelia and older sister Jeannie in Newport. His health issues may have prevented him from starting his own family, and five years later, more such problems surfaced, as he suffered a bout of pleurisy, an inflammation of the lining of the lungs that can cause severe chest pains.11

On January 18, 1880, Charles, still just 37 years old, “passed silently from earth,” bidding “a fond farewell to all his friends as a parting word.” Pulmonary consumption, “a wasting disease with destruction of the lungs,” had been his final, unbeatable enemy.12

His sister Virginia (a.k.a. Jenny) served as the administrator of his estate.

Obituaries naturally praise their subjects, but the admiration for Charles was especially effusive, describing him as a “kind-hearted, whole-souled and lasting friend.” He was “the soul of honor, and would have almost suffered death before he would have been guilty of a mean act.”

He was intelligent, a “fluent speaker” who possessed “a vast amount of information on almost any subject” and was “a natural born wit” who “always looked on the ‘bright side’ and was ever a welcome and sociable companion.”13

Accounts consistently noted his amiable personality, as he was “of a free and engaging disposition, clever and good-natured.” His life had been a “chapter full of adventure, in every sphere of which a manly, genial nature has shone.” He was among that group of people skilled at making friends, being “familiarly known to every man, woman and child” in Newport, where he had spent most of his years. Furthermore, “he was liked by all and leaves many friends to mourn his early cutting off.”14

One story waxed poetically: “If goodness of heart be a key that unlocks the portals of Paradise they opened wide to admit the spirit of this good fellow.”15

A later article remembered his army service, noting that he had “gained distinction” in the war.”16

His funeral took place at the Presbyterian Church on Newport’s Columbia Street. A “large concourse of relatives and sympathizing friends” attended, as did the local Solders’ and Sailors’ Memorial Association.

Charles’ coffin “was strewn with beautiful floral offerings from his companions in life.” Among his pallbearers was former Civil War soldier David R. Lock, recently the Police Chief of Newport.17

He was buried in Evergreen Cemetery.


From findagrave.com memorial 88210502
                                              

A few weeks later, members of the memorial association gathered to honor their former colleague. They presented a “lengthy paper, giving date and data of his services, trials and hardships that he underwent during the war.” It concluded kindly, but wordily:

            the remembrance of his many excellencies will live in the hearts of our comrades while life lasts, and mingle our sorrows at the grave of a friend whose exalted patriotism and manly bearing was acknowledged by those who paid the last sad tribute to his remains.18

Charles had obviously been a well-liked neighbor and friend, a popular member of his community.

He was not the only Rugg who fought for a cause. His older sister Virginia had been “an ardent suffragist all her life” and was “one of the most ardent suffragists in Kentucky and one of the leaders of the movement in this country.”

Newspapers covered her efforts in this long fight. She had initially “gained national reputation by her answer to one of the last statements made by Susan B. Anthony.” Anthony had asked of her followers: “If I have lived to any purpose, carry on the work I have to lay down.”

In response, Virginia vowed: “The work you have laid down, my friend, we’ll carry on to the end.”19

In September of 1893, the Campbell County Equal Rights Association met at her house on York Street. She also served as one of Newport’s representatives at the Equal Rights State Convention a few hours south in Lexington in the following year.20

She held “considerable property in Newport,” but carried her campaign beyond the local scene, having “made several lecture tours throughout the country.”21

She was not a passive participant in this struggle. She “led the crusade with a strong appeal to her sister suffragists to resist not only unduly-high assessments, but also all payment of taxes until they secure their rights.”22

Her own experience had shaped her views. At the start of October of 1908, she visited the county’s tax assessor and made “a vigorous protest against an increase in the assessment of her property.” She argued that taxes on property owned by women – who could not vote – violated the Revolutionary War maxim of “no taxation without representation,” and agreed with the Revolution’s leaders who labelled that scenario “tyranny.”23

She quickly grew “indignant” at the public servant because even though she was a college graduate and a property owner, she “was refused a vote.” She threatened to take this issue to court “unless she obtained her rights as she saw them under the law.” The official promised to take her case into careful consideration, perhaps just brushing her off for the time being.24

Her determination to resist the “excessive taxation of her property” inspired her sister suffragists to do the same.25

In waging this battle, she was not only keeping a promise she had made her dying mother but was also going against the counsel of friends who had warned her she would not attract a husband if she continued her crusade. That threat did not bother her in the least, as she insisted that she was not “on the manhunt and that, while her name was Rugg, she was not the kind to be walked on.”

Her years of work showed that she had also fulfilled this vow, not just behind closed doors. “Miss Rugg’s lecture, ‘Woman and the Ballot,’ has attracted much attention.” It criticized the idea some men held that the ballot would be “unsafe” if entrusted to women. “She also says that the patriotism of the country depends almost entirely upon the teachings of the mothers and the so-called old maid school teachers.”26

She was among a group of local women who proposed the formation of an organization called “The Woman Taxpayers’ League” to support this mission. It intended to be “not only local, but national in its scope.”

Other groups kept this goal in mind as well. A meeting of the Susan B. Anthony Club had declared war “on the present system of taxation without representation of women property owners,” a sentiment Virginia shared and had expressed. Whether she helped craft this meeting’s statement may be a fair question to ponder.27

She joined multiple organizations to spread her beliefs. “She is a member of the Covington Equal Rights Association, the Franchise Club, of New York City, and the Susan B. Anthony Club, of Cincinnati.”28

She resolutely expressed her determination to continue the fight. “I am a Colonial Dame and a Daughter of the Revolution,” she asserted. “My grandfathers fought King George rather than pay unjust taxes, and I, too, will resist this injustice with all my strength.”29

She also spoke at a meeting of the afore-mentioned Susan B. Anthony Club in 1905.30

In 1911, she rewrote the words of a popular Civil War tune to trumpet her ongoing drive for change. Though her new lyrics may not roll off the tongue as smoothly as the originals, The New Dixie Land clearly expressed her goal. Even in this artistic form, she kept her eyes on the prize.

Its lines include: “Tis woman’s cause, she must be free To fight the wrong with help from thee,” as well as “live or die for freedom.” Other words and phrases reinforcing her will, such as “fight,” rally,” and “hooray for woman’s vote” also populate the song.31

In 1915, Virginia again exhibited her writing ability, composing an homage to Charles entitled A Soldier’s Reverie, which the Kentucky Post printed on May 31. She penned it in his voice, as if he were telling the story in 1915, recalling sights, sounds, and sensations from the oh-so innocent days early in the war. The narrator wistfully recounts the “sweet, sad memories” of that distant past before returning to a melancholy present.

This ode to “the days of the long ago” honored Charles yet fit his Civil War brethren as well. It was a sentimental journey to an ideal past and back, a public demonstration of both Virginia’s literary skill and her affection for her brother.32

Four years later, a reading of this work was one piece of a Memorial Day service in Evergreen Cemetery, an ideal occasion for such a tribute.33

On August 18, 1920, the decades of work by Virginia and her colleagues finally came to fruition when the 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution went into effect, granting women the right to vote.

Virginia, in her final years as the 1920s arrived, had lived to see this historic day, but whether or not she tasted the fruits of her labor by casting a ballot is uncertain. In these years, her eyesight had failed her, leaving her completely blind and forcing her “to give up most of her activities.”

Around this same time, her church’s pastor moved to Ashland, Kentucky with his family to assume leadership of a different church, and Virginia, now elderly, went with them, appreciating the friendship they provided. Perhaps they served as her caretakers as well. She passed away in that city on March 27, 1923, and her body was shipped to the Cincinnati Crematory for a brief funeral followed by cremation. Her ashes were buried in the Rugg family plot in Evergreen Cemetery.34

This activist lived to age 87, a long lifetime that had witnessed many significant changes, including the one she had so doggedly pursued. Hers was a lengthy, meaningful life, capped with ultimate success after many years of toil.

Kentucky Post, October 3, 1908


The Ruggs left behind an intriguing legacy in Campbell County, a one-of-a-kind slice of local family history, from the adventures of the California Gold Rush to the dangers of Civil War combat, into the challenges of delivering access to the ballot box to women. Theirs is a story worth telling.


1Dollar Weekly Times [Cincinnati] September 13, 1855, as transcribed on findagrave.com memorial 209268250, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/209268250/lyman-h-rugg, Accessed November 1, 2025
2The Cincinnati Daily Star, January 19, 1880, and Dollar Weekly Times [Cincinnati] September 13, 1955, as transcribed on findagrave.com memorial 209268250, https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/209268250, lyman-h-rugg

3The Cincinnati Daily Star, January 19, 1880, Dollar Weekly Times [Cincinnati] September 13, 1855, as transcribed on findagrave.com memorial 209268250 https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/209268250/lyman-h-rugg and https://encyclopediaofarkansas.net/entries/john-adams-steamboat-17737/, Accessed November 1, 2025

4The Cincinnati Daily Star, January 19, 1880, and Dollar Weekly Times [Cincinnati], September 13, 1855, as transcribed on findagrave.com memorial 209268250 https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/209268250/lyman-h-rugg

5https://dan-masters-civil-war.blogspot.com/2020/10/disaster-for-71st-indiana-at-richmond.html, Accessed October 29, 2025

6https://sparedshared23.com/2022/05/18/1861-64-orlando-jay-smith-to-j-o-jones/, Accessed December 30, 2025

7Smith, Orlando Jay. “Letter to Uncle J.O. Jones.” December 30, 1862. Accessed December 30, 2025 from the Spared & Shared collection at https://sparedshared23.com/2022/05/18/1861-64-orlando-jay-smith-to-j-o-jones/

8The Cincinnati Daily Star, January 19, 1880

9https://www.georgiahistory.com/ghmi_marker_updated/battle-of-kings-tanyard/, Accessed November 1, 2025

10The Cincinnati Daily Star, January 19, 1880

11The Cincinnati Daily Star, March 17, 1876, and https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/21172-pleurisy, Accessed November 6, 2025

12The Cincinnati Daily Star, January 19, 1880. https://academic.oup.com/book/29492/chapter-abstract/265442012?redirectedFrom=fulltext, Accessed October 31, 2025

13The Cincinnati Daily Star, January 19, 1880

14Cincinnati Commercial, January 19, 1880, and The Kentucky Journal, January 20, 1880, and The Cincinnati Daily Star Jan 19, 1880

15The Kentucky Journal, January 20, 1880

16Kentucky Post, November 30, 1911

17The Cincinnati Daily Star, January 21, 1880

18The Cincinnati Daily Star, February 14, 1880

19Kentucky Post, November 30, 1911

20Cincinnati Commercial Tribune, September 15, 1893, and The Cincinnati Tribune, October 23, 1894

21Kentucky Post, October 3, 1908

22Kentucky Post, October 7, 1908

23Cincinnati Enquirer, October 2, 1908, and Kentucky Post, October 3, 1908

24Cincinnati Enquirer, October 2, 1908

25Kentucky Post, October 6, 1908

26Kentucky Post, October 3, 1908. Her death certificate listed “retired school teacher” as her occupation, explaining the “old maid school teachers” phrase, as she again used a piece of her own life in her argument.

27Kentucky Post, October 7, 1908

28Kentucky Post, November 30, 1911

29Kentucky Post, October 7, 1908

30Cincinnati Enquirer, December 10, 1905

31Kentucky Post, November 30, 1911

32Kentucky Post, May 31, 1915 

33Kentucky Post, May 17, 1919

34Kentucky Post, March 28, 1923, Cincinnati Commercial Tribune, March 28, 1923, and https://www.usgenwebsites.org/KYCampbell/evergreenRo.htm, Accessed December 28, 2025